Separating the News from the Noise
In all the talk about the future of news, it’s rare that you actually
come across an innovation that alters the way you think about reporting
and news gathering. Digital journalism innovations too often focus on
how stories are presented to audiences. Social media is used to generate
and sustain interest in news, rather than as a source of news. Where
news is sourced from social media it is dominated by celebrity feuds or
political gaffs. This type of journalism only scratches the surface of
what is possible. Sentiment analysis, the virality of content, all
measured through social media, overshadow the real evolution occurring,
often imperceptibly, across the globe.
Consider the recent Guardian profile of Eliot Higgins. Higgins, a blogger, who from his livingroom in Leicester, “has put together a database of 491 videos of cluster bombs being used across Syria, together with map references and details of the type of weapons used”. Scouring ”about 450 YouTube channels from Syria every evening” Higgins has managed to beat organisations such as the New York Times to a globally significant story nearly 5000 km from his front door.
Which is what drew us to the work being done by Storyful. Founded in 2010 by former RTE Prime Time presenter Mark Little, the organisation is a ‘news agency for the social media age’. Storyful’s casus belli is to draw actionable news from the noise of social media. It’s journalists and editors curate stories about conflicts, natural disasters and elections by verifying social media events - tweets, facebook updates, videos, images etc.
This interview with editor Malachy Browne explores the work they do, the evolution of the organisation and some of the challenges they continue to face, in terms of hesitancy from the traditional news world. Browne raises important issues with respect to attribution and the ethics of engagement on social media, which is very much still unchartered territory for many journalists.
The thirst for 24 hour news has seen some of the worst journalism practices in recent months. The Newtown school killings showed that, beyond the inaccurate reporting, there were serious questions to be asked about how journalists should engage with witnesses via social media. Also, Browne’s account of Rami Al Sayid, who’s work reporting from Homs went unattributed, echoes traditional news failures to cite the work of their local contacts and reporters in conflicts.
With over 100,000 hours of video uploaded to YouTube every day the need for and potential effectiveness of the type of journalism described below is growing by the minute. Looking back to what a similar headline to the one used above meant in 2001, it’s difficult to imagine where innovations such as this will bring us 10 years from now.
(MB: Malachy Browne, Storyful; DM: David Manning, MediaBite)
DM: How did you get involved in Storyful?
MB: At the time that Mark Little left RTE I had just set up an Irish website called Politco.ie with Vincent Browne. We had an idea of doing something similar in an Irish context - to bring social media in to reporting and news gathering, using a mixture of curation and original reporting, while also making use of emerging technologies. So when Mark began canvasing for like-minded people, I contacted him and we found we had a shared vision.
DM: From your blog I understand Storyful are involved in training, how does that side of the business work?
MB: There’s a couple of different sides to it. Firstly, there’s ‘public thought leadership’, whereby we publish stories about what we do, giving practical examples of the theory behind social media journalism. We recently published an eBook comprising the best blog posts and case studies of good social media journalism, to illustrate what people should be doing.
We also do consultancy work with newsrooms and NGOs. We go into the newsroom and show them the tools that we use and discuss best practice for discovery and verification of social media content. Fundamentally, we are talking about information systems, how to manage news gathering.
DM: Is there a lot of sharing between those news organistations which have developed their own social media verification teams?
MB: What you find is that social media practitioners collaborate off their own back, sharing information, whether that be on Twitter or Facebook etc. Groups like the Vulture Club on Facebook include NGOs, stringers and conflict reporters, all sharing information, tips and tricks, everything down to equipment, the best place to stay and sourcing translators and fixers, as well as breaking news based on what they know on the ground. But within newsrooms you don’t really get the trade secrets, you don’t get that much collaboration as far as I have experienced.
DM: So, for example, the BBC and CNN’s social media teams, would you see them as competition?
MB: The BBC is a client of ours, we’ve collaborated with them on a number of stories. When the recent protests broke in Tehran over the currency crisis - the currency was devaluing at an alarming rate, promoting currency traders in the Grand Bazaar to protest. We had video from there, with the location absolutely verified, but we were finding it difficult to verify the date. The BBC were finding it difficult to find the location, but they had the date.
BBC Persia were able to decipher the date using the slogans that were being chanted and from referencing the banners hung on the walls. So by collaborating we were able to verify both the date and the location, which are the two main things you want to cover yourself legally for broadcast. That would be an example of private collaboration, happening behind the scenes.
There was another instance in Syria, where a number of organisations collaborated publicly in order to verify a contentious video purporting to show a man being buried alive by Syrian forces. The video turned out to be a fake. All the information relating to that we published on Storyful, other organisations chose what they wanted to publish themselves.
DM: To what extent was that verification chasing the story? Had it spread around the world by that stage?
MB: We picked it up as it was emerging in the middle of the night. We had serious reservations about it immediately and we advised our news clients, first of all of the existence of the video and that it was going viral, and that we had justified reservations about it’s veracity. By mid morning we noticed a number of news organisations running with it as legit, at that point we decided to put a public post out. We collaborated with our friends at the BBC, another British reporter and a Syrian person who did an audio analysis of the video. We put it out through our network of activists and they had reservations about it as well.
[Warning: Graphic footage]
DM: I want to ask about Storyful’s evolution, did you envisage it being what it is now when it started? It appeared to have a stronger community aspect, whereas now it appears focused on business to business.
MB: Storyful was always founded on the principle of drawing actionable news from social media, that fundamental concept hasn’t changed. We were always going to be supported through business to business, that was our business model. We did have a public website and also a community forum in the initial stages. However, the community forum didn’t really work. It took a lot of TLC and energy to build and court the community. We also faced problems with people using it to push PR material. So it wasn’t really worth our while, we felt our time was much better spent honing our discovery skills around social media, rather than trying to attract users to the Storyful community.
We were never concerned with advertising, we were never traffic driven, it was solely about story telling in a new way. Essentially the public website was a marketing tool and we got to a stage where we didn’t need to do that, because our business to business side grew so much we gradually had to scale back the public story telling. While we continue to do that storytelling now, it happens behind a type of paywall for our clients, including all the raw ingredients they need to build and enhance their stories.
DM: With the focus on business to business, to what extent do you find yourselves leading your clients rather than responding to them? Is it a case you are pushing them in the direction of stories or are they coming to you with the stories looking for the verification?
MB: 90% of the time we are pushing them towards the stories. We set the agenda for what we go after, we make a judgement call like any other newsroom in terms of what makes the cut using our resources, which includes the discovery, the verification and the delivery out to our partners and their news clients.
One of the things news clients like about us is that they have 24 hour access to our team. If they have a query about a particular video or story, our system facilitates a two way conversation. This morning we were reporting on Storyful Pro, using our Twitter newswire, on the suicide bombing in Ankara. At that stage we didn’t know it was a suicide bombing, but ABC in the United States quickly got in touch with us about an image that was circulating. It was one we were already working on in the background, but weren’t comfortable enough to alert our clients about yet. They wanted to know if it was legitimate. 10 minutes later we were able to say that it was.
DM: How much of that 10 minutes is new media verification versus old school methods?
MB: We don’t have anyone on the ground in Ankara. We might be using people who are on the ground, who are posting videos or images. In this case, IHA, a Turkish media organisation, had sent a reporter to the scene. He was running towards the embassy and filming as he went. From the video we could see a doorway which tallied with the image which was circulating and the satellite imagery we had pulled of the area, meaning we could confirm that it was actually taken there.
DM: Are there any instances you’ve been disappointed with the types of stories that are picked up, where your editorial focus doesn’t par with those of the larger news organisations?
MB: This is a tricky one, I think it all has to do with context. For instance, a bomb was dropped on a place called Kafranbel. It was a horrific attack, completely destroying an entire block. There happened to be an activist that we knew in Kafranbel who was active around that time. We went straight to his YouTube account and found he had uploaded high definition cinematic quality video of immediate aftermath. It was shocking. There was complete silence bar the wails of women in shock, people running through the streets filled with charred bodies, smoke in the air, cars and trucks ablaze. Debris was still falling, it was that fresh. The person filming happened to be just outside the radius of the fallout went it struck.
It was dramatic footage, which we pushed out to our clients, but nobody ran with it. We couldn’t find it on websites or broadcasts that evening. It was hard to believe. The following day we found a very low quality video of wisps of smoke above a highway in Damascus. That video was used in a whole range of reports. News organisations didn’t particularly care about Kafranbel, it wasn’t considered strategic in the Syria battle. Whereas the highway to the airport outside of Damascus was.
DM: Is it difficult to be in a position of collecting pieces of evidence, and find news organistans attempting to hammer that in to a particular editorial narrative?
MB: We don’t worry too much about the context in which news organisations want to use footage. We provide story fragments, not the opinion and analysis. Purely the facts that we have established around a piece of content or event. We are an agency, the same as Reuters, the same as AP, except we do social media. It is up to news organisations how they want to use that.
Having said that, we do keep an eye on traffic relating to what’s used and what’s not used. Obviously there’s an element of serving news organisations, but that doesn’t inform an agenda on our part. We have a mix of content, with a range of dashboards, whether they want viral videos, weather videos, business news, world news videos or news specific to Syria. There is a variety of content there for people to choose from.
DM: While it is very early days in the social media news business, do you think this type of remote investigative/verification journalism is being recognised as a means to keep doing the type of worldwide journalism that is being eroded by industry economic problems, reduced staff numbers, budgets etc?
MB: It depends on the organisation. Certainly we are seeing more and more news organisations changing their attitudes to social media. You can change all the technology you want in a newsroom, but if you don’t change the attitudes you are not going to generate that change.
Digital journalism strategies vary from organisation to organisation. For instance Channel 4, at the beginning of the Syrian conflict would have used user generated or activist content, now they rely much more on video journalists who go in, choose a really tight focus and through that microcosm tell a story about the broader conflict. That’s their editorial choice. We find other outlets like the New York Times will integrate content on their website when they are telling a story about a particular attack.
I don’t think there’s ever going to be a replacement for the reporter on the ground, but what social media does is help enhance reporting on the ground. Mark Little was a foreign correspondent with RTE for quite some time. Social media partly bypasses the many procedures he would have had to undertake to file a report, meaning you are able to get closer to the story and provide additional layers of context.
There is public tool called iWitness, which we’ve used in the past week, particularly around Port Said. You enter a location and it presents on a map all the tweets that are coming from that area. What’s very useful about this is that it gives you the people that you know are on the ground and, importantly, it gives you the specific terms they are using to describe an event.
So if you consider an uploader in Benghazi, because they are interacting with a social circle that knows they are in Benghazi, they might use the name of a square or a building, or slang for a place. By using these hyper local search terms you can then broaden your search across other mediums for content, because, you have to remember, only 5-10% of tweets are geo-tagged.
DM: Do you come up against, for example, Syrian people living abroad tweeting, not necessarily maliciously, as if they are in Syria? .
MB: On our country lists, the first rule is that the person has to be in the country. It’s no use for us following a Syria expert, like Joshua Landis, because he is not there, he is not going to be an eye-witness. Even within the list, if we’ve got somebody reporting from Aleppo, from Damascus, from Homs, they are obviously not in all those places so we would never take them to be a witness to something. Unless we could confirm their location, which you can do by asking them to for example take a twitpic or by looking at their digital footprint, checking their other social profiles, where they locate themselves and that sort of thing. A lot of it is about vetting the source.
DM: What sort of response do you get? Do the people you are trying to engage with recognise what you are doing? Is it always a positive response or can you be seen as doing something negative? For instance, in the Syrian conflict, if you were to contact a pro-Government uploader, would they treat you in the same way in the verification process?
MB: We haven’t had too much engagement with the pro-Government side, mainly because they have their own mediums to get information out. Although there are a couple. We do ask questions, and the same as anybody else, if you are vetting somebody, questioning somebody the natural response is get your back up. And sometimes people do get very defensive and you just have to deal with that, explain that you’re just trying to establish some facts. So it just takes some careful engagement. The other issue we have is that some people don’t want to be identified, understandably, and we respect that. But usually if they are a good source, we can get on Skype and they can recognise who we are and what we do and they come to trust us. We’ve had that experience with several activists who we’ll be in touch with via Skype, and we’ll know them by first name, even though they go by an acronym. We would never make that public.
DM: Through this, in much the same way reporters on the ground, engaging with people living or working in war zones, you develop relationships with people who potentially may die.
MB: We do and we have had that experience. Last February, there was a person, who’s profile I checked up on every morning, who was killed the night before Marie Colvin was killed. His name was Rami Al Sayid, he was a video activist in Bab Amr in Homs, which came under sustained bombardment for about 2 months from the Syrian military.
They completely flattened the area. He was out on the streets very close to the action, filming every day and he eventually was killed. His news reports were broadcast across the world that evening and the weeks leading up to that evening. He really drew the attention of the world to that suburb which probably led to Marie Colvin, Remi Ochlik and all the other reporters sneaking in to that suburb, because this was at a time when journalists were banned from Syria.
In her reports, the evening before, Marie Colvin used his videos. She was killed 12 hours later. And of course, her death, tragic as it was, completely overshadowed his death, because nobody knew who he was. Of course news organisations don’t really give credit to YouTube uploaders, particularly in Syria, they generally broadcast without attribution.
DM: With that in mind, and the general issue of being exposed to violent footage, one of your team published a blog post about dealing with trauma, how does Storyful address that?
MB: We have a councillor available to staff all the time and we had a session about a year and half ago, just to educate our team on trauma. So we have those services available. There are also certain ethics that you apply to your journalism, we never want to put an uploader or would be uploader in danger, that crosses a line. There are certain rules by which we abide when engaging with people who may be at a scene of a dangerous incident.
DM: From an outside point of view it is quite easy to see how your process works for instantaneous events, is it possible to apply those techniques or to adapt those process to cover slow burning events?
MB: That is more difficult, certainly you can build lists of people who engage primarily around those topics and we’ve done that around markets, business and entertainment for certain clients and there are certain analytics you can run off that, but again its a very real time system.
What we have done is feature documentaries, with for example Channel 4, and several other organisations, on a freelance basis. They pick a particular theme, they are using User Generated Content to tell that story. For instance, one of the stories we did with Channel 4 was a series, Torture Machine, about using detentions and torture in a systemic way, which Syria has been doing for decades, but has ramped up in the last couple of years. That involves going through in the region of 70 videos of torture, from instances of actual torture filmed by the guards who are perpetrating it and those phones or cameras were later lost or captured or leaked out somehow, or in the aftermath when bodies are returned.
So that wasn’t in a real time situation, it involved a lot of digging back through social platforms to try and find witnesses, to try and find information about the victims, where they were from etc. That’s labour intensive, but rewarding when you finally join the dots and bring all the facts together.
Another recent example of that in Tahrir Square on the 29th January last year, about 9 months before that an American reporter Lara Logan was assaulted. This person who was assaulted in January looked very like her and we had a query from a client to prove that it wasn’t Lara Logan. Twitter’s search is limited, it goes back only a month or two, but using Topsy we were able to go back through 9 months to tweets at that time and try to identify the people. We actually found three eye witnesses reporting from the scene and we were able to get in touch with them and they were able to confirm the identify the woman. So if you know the right tools, doing historic analysis is possible.
DM: Presumably, all countries aren’t as active in terms of social media. Are there many dark spots where news is happening and there is just no noise?
MB: I’m sure there are and we’ve had difficulty in some countries, like Central African Republic, some Eastern European countries, China can be difficult, through censorship. We have staff in Hong Kong, with native Mandarin, Cantonese speakers. There certainly are black spots, and even within countries that have a strong social media presence, such as Egypt, there is a very high rate of illiteracy, so how representative is social media in Egypt, that is something we are aware of as well.
DM: There’s going to be an entry level to social media through mobile devices, in terms of financial resource, is there a potential to skew the way you see an event due to that?
MB: There potentially is, but if you consider Egypt and Tahrir square and the tens of thousands of people that are there. There is only a handful that are among the crowd that are broadcasting. Images are really very hard to doctor, if you have lots of them coming from a single place, then they tell the story. But there are I guess rural areas are black spots definitely, simply because of the limits of communication technology. Resources in some countries, certainly developing countries.
DM: Presumably that’s the reason why you rarely see any content coming out of rural Afghanistan, save for video from US military, official and unofficial. There’s simply no infrastructure there. Would you see a lot of noise from Kabul itself?
MB: Our Afghanistan list is actually one of our strongest lists and it is because of the people we have in Kabul and a couple of other locations. It is usually very accurate. They are very au fait with the mediums they use to broadcast. Content from Kabul is usually not a problem, because there are a couple of local networks there, like and Pajhwok Afghan News and TOLOnews are very good at getting on the scene quickly, but of course that’s agency stuff. So in that case we would pass on to our clients their contact information and they would contact directly with respect to the rights of content. In other areas though it can be limited. But there again, in traditional news, you are not going to have reporters stationed in remote areas of Afghanistan on the hope that something is going to happen, so in effect the net is cast wider with the growth of social media.
DM: But you don’t think it will ever replace the need for a roving reporter?
MB: Certainly not, take Mali for instance, pretty much the only content that is coming out of there is from the French forces themselves, primarily when they want to publicise videos of aerial attacks on rebel bases. There is no infrastructure, there are very few people uploading user generated content, raising the question of ICT and the availability of cheap technology. At the same time Western reporters are being held back from the front line until the French and the Malian forces have done their job. We are starting to hear some stories coming out of there, which we have yet to verify, but if they are true, it raises serious questions about what they have done and are doing.
David is co-editor of MediaBite.org, an Irish media monitoring organisation, he tweets at @media_bite and @reclaimthepress. Contact editors@mediabite.org
The Corporate Media
An interview with Fintan O’Toole, Assistant Editor at the Irish Times
Earlier this year we spoke at length to leading writer, columnist and Assistant Editor at The Irish Times, Fintan O'Toole. O’Toole recently returned from China from where he reported on many facets of life within the emerging capitalist heavyweight, describing both its beauty spots and open sores. He depicted a situation sometimes far removed from the dream market frequently referred to on the financial pages as ‘open for business’. [1]
He writes that while “China shows unequivocally that global capitalism increases wealth… China also shows unequivocally that, left to itself, global capitalism increases inequality.” [2] O’ Toole is also the author of a number of books including ‘Post Washington: Why America Can't Rule the World’ and he sits as Chair on the Advisory board of TASC, ‘a think tank for action on social change’. With over 20 years experience working within the dominant media he is well placed to define the medium and its abilities and limitations - though some might discern a slight rose tint to the picture he paints, in places. Fintan O’Toole is one of the most prominent representatives of ‘the left’ in mainstream Irish journalism and is frequently heavily criticised for his troubles. As discussed in our interview with Noam Chomsky, again, the label ‘anti-American’ is seen fit to pin on him. [3]
Much of what is covered in the following interview will do little to reassure those who have lost faith in the ability of a medium beholden to corporate structures and external dependencies. The impression is of a closed circle of elites pampering other elites, while capitalism’s advertising-dependent media has it’s freedom “inevitably and inescapably circumscribed.” [4] There are some mitigating factors and Fintan O’Toole stresses that it is not a ‘crude’ formula. The Irish Times Trust, for one, makes the news outlet unique where Irish media ownership is concerned in that it has no shareholders - but this has it’s advantages and disadvantages. Fintan O’Toole gives a fascinating account of his experience of the Irish media and makes many illuminating observations about the way mainstream media works. We are grateful to him for the time and consideration he has given to the issues that we aim to promote for debate.
(FT - Fintan O’Toole, MB - MediaBite, Miriam Cotton and David Manning)
MB - What brought you into journalism?
FT - I suppose I was one of those people who have always been involved. When I was in school and college I was editing the newspaper. And it was more out of activism that I first started writing. When I was 14 or 15, I was involved in a thing called the Irish Union of School Students, which was an early attempt to establish a union for secondary school students in Ireland, which I'm glad to see has re-started, as it was dormant for a long time. It really started in the early 70s which was, I guess, on the back of Paris 1968 and the student movements etc. So I would have been actively engaged in campaigning and writing reports on corporal punishment - which would have been a big issue in secondary schools at the time - and then setting up a student council, student newspaper. That sort of stuff meant it was something I was always doing. It didn't occur to me for quite a long time that I could actually make any money out of it, or get a job. By default, I suppose, I did an Arts degree in UCD, which qualified me for very little. So, while doing some post graduate work, I began doing some work for In Dublin magazine and gradually drifted into it as a way of making a living.
MB - Did you have a mentor when you first started professionally?
FT - I did to some extent. In Dublin was actually a very good place to start. At the time it was fairly new - set up by a guy called John Doyle. The features editor was David McKenna who is now a television producer at RTE. He was a very smart guy, steeped in the American new journalism of Tom Wolfe, Norman Mailer, Joan Didion and that new attitude to journalism, whereby journalism was meant to be written with the same kind of style that fiction was, with the same kind of energy and the same kind of self conscious shape to a piece. Which very much influenced magazine journalism rather than news reporting. And that's what we were doing - people like Colm Toibin, Mary Raftery, Michael Dwyer, Michael Darvey, Aidan Dunne - we were all at the same period, in the same magazine. It was very good, I didn't go to a journalism school, and in a way it was a lot better, since you were doing stuff for publication. You were being paid appallingly because there wasn’t much money around, but the other side was you had time to work on a piece, you could work on a 3,000 word piece for a month, and you were just happy to get it in to the magazine. There was an editing process that was very creative. In terms of learning how to do it, it was probably the best way you could.
MB - How do you think your perception of journalism has changed over the years?
FT - From my own perspective, things have changed a lot. The process has changed. That kind of facility whereby you can work for along time on a single piece, where you can have more of a direct sense of control over what you do, that certainly recedes when you move into the professional world of journalism. The constraints of time and space become immediate. You don't get 3,000-word pieces anymore. I worked for the Sunday Tribune with Vincent Browne in the early eighties, then I went to Magill. I went into the Irish Times in '88. Even in the '80s you could still, for example, write a 3,000-word piece in a newspaper. It wasn't regarded as some kind of madness. So there was, oddly enough, an influence from new magazine journalism on newspapers. Partly due to the fact it was myself and people like me moving into the mainstream print media. The mainstream media was quite happy to absorb what it saw as a new energy and complexity. That has receded gradually, as the design of newspapers has changed. There is a perception that readers won't put up with long pieces of text. But also, as the economics of print journalism has changed, you've ended up with fewer journalists writing more, a very simple labour equation. Historically, the trend is for fewer and fewer people to work in newspapers, while producing more and more.
MB - Going back to what you were saying about magazine journalism being absorbed into mainstream, do you see any reflection of that in the blogging phenomenon? The BBC, the Guardian and the Irish Times are all blogging.
FT - It's very similar. The mainstream are always going to try and absorb whatever is out there, and interesting people. It's not a sinister monopolistic tendency, so much as a desperate search for what the next thing is. And it's a generational thing. The people who run and edit newspapers tend to be older; the people who are doing new and interesting things tend to be younger. It's not in itself a bad process, what happened in the eighties and early nineties was a process which contributed to the narrowing of the media at that time - a lot of that was actually driven by advertising.
One of the things that made the relative flourishing of an independent magazine section possible in the late seventies early eighties, was when you had magazines such as In Dublin, Magill, Hibernia - a lot of smaller print media - driven, ironically enough, because they tended to be a little more radical and critical, by the advertising market. What made them economically viable was that you had a whole new breed of advertising agencies coming in, who for the first time were saying - we don't care about the politics directly of this, we care about who you are reaching. And they were obsessed with reaching young people, richer, more liberal people, who were perceived as being more receptive to different ideas. Therefore if you were running Magill, for example, in the early eighties, it wasn't that all the advertising agencies thought Vincent Browne was fantastic, liked everything he was saying etc, they liked the fact the magazine was being read by people they wanted to sell products to. That drove, in turn, the possibilities of a relatively more diverse media.
The absorption of this was partly journalistic, but also due to advertising. Agencies saw all these companies putting all this money into this advertising pool, which was taking away from newspapers. It was partly technological too. One of the reasons why the advertisers put their money in magazines, such as Magill, is that they were the only places you could have high quality colour printing. The newspaper didn't do that then. You then had a technological leap, whereby the newspapers bought colour printing presses, thereby absorbing some of the advertising and at the same time the journalists. Therefore it was narrowing the media. It is not accidental that some of those publications that survived have done so in a much narrower form.
MB - Magill for instance?
FT – Yes. In Dublin certainly ceased to be anything like what it was. It was actually a pretty serious current affairs magazine with cultural, political and social commentary. With blogging you can say to some extent the mainstream media is trying to do something similar. One of the interesting things is that it is not as easy to do that, you can bring in some of the journalists, as is happening in some of the mainstream media, but in marketing terms it's a much more diverse, much more fluid technological shift that is a lot more difficult for them to absorb everything from. I think the balance of power lies much more with the bloggers. By its very nature, it is much more difficult to get hold of.
MB - In terms of narrowing, when we spoke to Eddie Holt, he commented that he had seen a noticeable shift to the right, specifically in the Irish Times, would that be something you would agree with?
FT - I've heard this said a couple of times and it slightly puzzles me. Because it suggests that the Irish Times was a left wing newspaper and has moved to the right. When was it a left wing newspaper? It seems to me there are a couple of things here, some of them true and some of them perception. One of the things that is true is that the Irish Times was more a campaigning newspaper to a degree in the seventies, when it was more marginal, the legacy of being the protestant newspaper. Which ironically gave it an edge, having been the old conservative establishment newspaper, it was marginalized in the new state, and therefore became a magnet for all sorts of dissidents. It was the one place in a very confined Irish political discourse, where some degree of radicalism or some degree of dissent could be expressed.
But I don't think that made it any sort of radical newspaper. In the sixties and seventies and to some degree the eighties, the newspaper did acquire a radical tinge from two things. One was feminism. Undoubtedly the very fact of consciously bringing women into newspapers and increasingly as editors did, it gave it a kind of progressive nature. And secondly, there was what were called the 'social issues'. This was a typically strange sort of Irish locution - social issues not being social issues, but actually being issues of private sexual morality. The whole church-state clash, divorce, contraception, abortion, for example. On those issues the Irish Times held a much more progressive, radical position. But none of those issues, in economic terms, were left wing issues.
The Irish Times has always been a relatively centrist, pro-business newspaper with a degree of structural commitment. So in terms of at least covering issues of social inequality and poverty, I don't think it’s ever been more radical than that. I think some of the perception of it becoming more right wing is do with the fact those two big influences have been absorbed into the mainstream as radical jesters. The Irish Times, I would think, does continue to be a better place to be for women. But it is no longer such a wedge issue in society. A huge amount of what would have been seen as brave and radical on the part of the Irish Times twenty years ago in terms of those so-called social issues, are now just the absolute orthodoxy of mainstream media.
So, I am not really convinced there is a simple shift to the paper turning left or right wing. It is a very independent newspaper in the very broadest sense, in terms of its ownership structures and in terms of internal organisational structure. There is no one who rings you up and says you can't say or do that. What you might have, is a shift in the social composition of journalism in general, which is certainly reflected in the Irish Times - which is that most of the people going into journalism are somewhat to the right of what they would be twenty years ago. And I think it has come from a bigger process, which is the professionalisation of the field, the fact that it has become something of a career path. And the entry to it has been set down through post-graduate study, this itself is a very big plateau for people to reach socially, in terms of being able to afford to go to university and then to pay for a fairly expensive post-graduate degree course. You are automatically changing the social composition of who the journalists are and you are also putting forward a notion of what a journalist is; it is a career analogous to being a dentist or a lawyer. Those changes certainly play on the Irish Times, but I think they have a broader purchase in terms of the way the Irish media is working.
MB - Well that poses a number of questions, but something that we had in mind to ask, and something we asked Eddie Holt was, in terms of the Irish Times output, writers such as Charles Krauthammer represent a massive right wing shift compared broadly speaking to the rest of the paper. Why would he exist in the Irish Times? And the same with Mark Steyn before and to a lesser extent Kevin Myers, who has a sort of humour value.
FT - Well I think Charles Krauthammer has a humour value too, I find him very funny. Well I didn't make the decision to bring Charles Krauthammer or Mark Steyn in, but so far as I understand it, the thinking would have been that the Irish Times readers need to know what this kind of thinking is - a thinking that is having such a profound effect in shaping the world. Undoubtedly there is an objective phenomenon - the rise of a very aggressive neo-conservatism in the United States. Krauthammer and Steyn would be fairly representative of the kinds of thought processes that go on there, and that there is a value and function to exposing Irish Times readers to, who may often be fairly insulated from it. It is not something, unless you read certain kinds of publications, you are likely to come up against.
The argument is that as an irritant factor it is actually quite important to know how these people think, to know how extreme their views are - it’s important you understand the kind of language they use. If they are going to start to talk about 'buttock mountains' in Abu Ghraib, there is an information capacity in terms of knowing what these people say. There is a very valid argument about whether it works that way. Whether it is seen as what the Irish Times thinks - the overall ethic of the paper is one that tries to represent diversity of views. That is one of its inherent constitutional notions, in terms of what it is supposed to do. And that does include views, which certainly I would find obnoxious.
And it's a question I know was also debated in some of the more liberal media in the United States. For a long time the New York Times went through a stage of very deliberately including a lot of very conservative opinion, ultra conservative opinion, which would not cohere with the New York’s Times itself. And they did that for very specific reasons. They wanted their readers to know what these people were thinking. They decided after a while that it was counterproductive in a sense so they stopped doing that and went back to a more coherent New York Times, where for instance they would be more critical of the Bush administration. It's a decision that you can only really make contingently, you have to keep looking at what you are doing and what effect it is having. Personally I wouldn't mourn the loss of Charles Krauthammer from the Irish Times, though you might miss the display of prejudice, ignorance and bigotry. The fact is that it is a really powerful force, and there is some value in being exposed to it.
MB - What in your opinion is the role of the journalist? Who are they duty bound to, the reader, the newspaper, or an idea of impartiality?
FT - It seems to me the primary responsibility of a journalist is to a democratic society, journalism is a function of democracy. It is not an extraneous function, it's critical, you just don't have democracy if you don't have both the capacity of citizens to be informed and the capacity of citizens to express and debate a diversity of views and analyses about their society. In that sense journalism is absolutely responsible to the reader. Any good journalist is attempting to stimulate and inform the wider society. Through the reader that hopefully feeds into the nature of the discourse of the society that you exist in. That's the core responsibility, but it would be naive to suggest that that the responsibility is being purely fulfilled by anybody.
We are called media, since we are a channel of mediation between power structures and citizens, and they are themselves a power structure. So what you see is an apparent fundamental conflict between the responsibilities of the journalist to the citizen and the circumstances within which that responsibility gets fulfilled, which is through a media organisation which has it's own interests and is a form of property, and the broader power structures which the journalist is supposed to be reflecting on and attempting to hold accountable - but which is also shaping the climate within which the journalist operates. It seems to me that journalism doesn't operate within any sort of static state; it is a continual attempt to hold on to the responsibilities to the reader, while dealing with the exigencies of the real world, including the technological and physical conditions. Hence if journalists are operating within structures that don't provide space for critical thought then that limits the way they can operate. Additionally if the commercial conditions in the broad sense in which they operate are not conducive to that kind diversity and function then it is obviously going to be a struggle. It is a struggle all the time I think. I imagine for most conscientious journalists it is a daily struggle.
MB - How much influence does the concept of trust behind the Irish Times have on its output and does that differentiate it from something more on the lines of the Independent?
FT - The ownership structure, the trust structure, is hugely important. It helps to protect the newspaper from one particular set of pressures; it does not protect it from a lot of other ones. The set of pressures it protects it from are I think double, one is the overweening power of a single owner which no matter what anyone says, as of course all of these owners will say they don't influence what goes into their newspapers or television programmes, but this is clearly not true. It's not accidental that Murdoch’s papers all round the world happen to take the same editorial line. It's not accidental that Tony O'Reilly's newspapers happen to take the same editorial line. The idea that they've all independently come up with the same line doesn't make sense to me.
Clearly you don't have that with the Irish Times, I've been there since 1988 and I can honestly say there hasn't been a single time when someone has come up to me and said 'we're not going to say that because it conflicts with the interests of the trust or an owner etc'. It also plays out in a broader sense in that the commercial pressures are less immediate. You don't have an annual general meeting of Irish Times shareholders asking whether their shares have gone up or down and so there is some capacity to at least understand that the newspaper has to make money, but it does not survive in order to make money. There is a distinction between those two things.
Having said how important the trust is, it would be naive to suggest that releases you into some realm of freedom and complete objectivity - clearly it doesn't. The Irish Times very nearly went out of existence a couple of years ago, in the middle of a major economic crisis. It has to function as a business, just as any other business functions. If it does not make money, it does not survive. Its survival is, though not quite on the edge, it's a real question from year to year. One of the limitations of the trust structure is that you cannot raise capital; it has to be self-financing. So if you want to buy a new printing press, which is what the Irish Times did, you have to fund it out of current profit. Which is one of the reasons the Irish Times nearly went out of business. There are really serious financial pressures there, and they undoubtedly have a big effect. It's not a daily effect that journalists are aware of, but it's a constant, its part of the background.
There is a clear understanding that if the Irish Times ceases to be a commercially viable proposition then it ceases to exist. The other set of pressures which is pervasive rather than self conscious is that, in common with almost every single media outlet in Ireland, the IT is dependent on advertising. media that depend on advertising are not free media, there's an inherent importance in being dependent on advertising. And it doesn't really matter whether it's a trust structure or a government organisation like RTE; if you're dependent on advertising then you're in the business of selling. People sometimes think this is a very crude thing, that for instance, if you want to write a piece about how shit Coca Cola is but because we carry Coca Cola ads we can't do that - in my experience that kind of very direct thing doesn't happen. In a way, if it did happen it would be fine, because it would be a very clear kind of relationship. It's much bigger than that and much broader than that. It seems to me sometimes people don't grasp that, it's not to do with the advertisers; it's to do with the people the advertisers are trying to reach.
The advertisers advertise because they put a huge amount of money into finding out exactly who's reading the Irish Times, the Daily Star, watching TV3. They spend a lot of money doing that, not for the good of their health, but because their advertising spend is completely determined by the age profile, the demographic profile and particularly the wealth and class profile of the people who are consuming a particular piece of media. That in turn means something quite profound, say the Irish Times sells 116-117,000 copies; it could sell 120,000 copies tomorrow, to 220,000 different people and still go out of business. If the other 120,000 people were people that were from poorer sections of society, the advertisers who advertise in the Irish Times would not be interested in reaching them, because they don't have enough money to spend on the products they want to sell. They're not going to be buying the 5 million Euro houses on the front page of the property section for example. In general they are not the consumers the advertisers want to reach.
So there is a fundamental shaping effect in terms of the self-selecting nature of the audience, the audience has to be an audience that has money to spend. If they don't have the money spend, then advertisers won't advertise, if they don't put the money in then we don't survive. That's a simple set of rules; no one tells you these rules when you go into journalism, because they don't have to. I've never been at a meeting where someone says 'we won't do that because it doesn't appeal to rich people', it's much more fundamental to that. It's the air you breathe; it's the context of which all media, which are funded in whole or in part by advertising, operate. It does have a really important effect on who then is important to be writing for.
If you think I'm being kind of crude saying this then listen to the ads on any of the radio stations when the JNR figures come out of who's listening to them. They're not saying 'we've got 1.5 million listeners and Today FM have only got 100,000', they're saying we've got more listeners in the A B C social categories, we've got more listeners in the 17-35 age groups. They are saying very openly: rich people are reading us and young people are listening to us. They are very self-consciously saying some people are more important than other people in terms of who's consuming their product. That has to have an effect on the nature of things that get done, but in relation to the kind of agenda the paper has, that becomes important.
MB - We noticed something similar in one of the first pieces we did as MediaBite, looking at advertising we noted the National Newspapers of Ireland statement that it provides advertisers with "the opportunity to carefully and strategically place their message in the editorial environment that will deliver the best results."
FT - Well it's important not to be crude about this, because it's clearly not the case that everyone that has any money to spend in Ireland is completely right wing and completely uninterested in social justice, there are flexibilities and lacunae in this general structure. But this structure exists and it undoubtedly has a very powerful set of consequences.
To take a very simple example, two weeks before the calling of the general election dominated by the issue of stamp duty. While stamp duty is a big issue for a relatively small group of people, it's actually not a big issue for the majority of voters. Housing policy is a much more important issue with a quarter of a million people on housing waiting lists or in housing need, who the market is clearly failing. Have you seen any reference at all to that as a media issue and therefore an issue to be addressed in the election campaign? Compared to stamp duty in the housing market field it's a vastly more important issue. Also vastly more important is building land, if you go right back to 1967 and the Kenny report, there has to be control on building land or you will never solve the housing problems in Ireland. That was repeated in I think 2002 by a joint Oireachtas committee on the constitution, which stated we had to put controls in place on building land because we have a situation where we have a very small number of property developers controlling the entire housing market in the greater Dublin area. This is a fundamental issue and not a single political party is raising it as a major election issue. There is a kind of a symbiotic relationship here, whereby the politicians don't raise it as an issue, the media then don't put it up as an issue to be addressed, and it forms a closed circle. The politicians say no one is talking about this, so it's not important, the media don't mention it because it is not on the political agenda and so on. So you get a very closed world, it's not a conspiracy; it's the way this kind of discourse works. The issues that are of primary importance to the kinds of people that are crucial to the advertisers are the issues that are going to work their way to the top of the political agenda.
MB - You have probably seen the documentary on RTE recently concerning the 'looming' property 'landing'. While it was to a degree one sided; this was definitely something that needed to be said. Yet the next day there is an article in the Irish Independent asking why RTE was scaremongering - 'RTE broadcasts fear in the market'.
FT - You are absolutely right about that. It was interesting that RTE did that. RTE are one of the few media outlets that don't take property advertising. It's not a simple one plus one equation, though it is undoubtedly true that if not the choice of subject, but the prominence that is given a certain subject has to be related to the direct interests of the media outlets themselves. There is no question that almost all of the Irish media for the last 10-15 years has had a crucial economic stake in a rising property market. Because property advertising is very lucrative and is a very important part of what makes the Irish media tick. It's not that a newspaper like the Irish Times will not publish things that say 'this is a bubble'. It has published a number of pieces and very authoritative pieces, but in a sense it's where are those pieces going to appear. How are they related to the broader agenda, in terms of how we understand our society at the moment? So I'm not saying there is an absolute mechanical relationship between certain interests and what appears, but I am saying that the relationship exists. People need to understand this, it is not a council of despair - well you know there is nothing you can do about this. A critical understanding of how the media works is one in which people understand the kind of relationships that are involved and how to read and see that it is not necessarily an objective and accurate reflection of everything that is important to Irish society.
For Part 2 of our interview with Fintan O’ Toole visit:
http://www.mediabite.org/article_The-Corporate-Media---Part-2_219127101.html
1. http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/finance/2006/0925/1158591008820.html
2. http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/newsfeatures/2006/1118/1163722325062.html
3. http://www.independent.ie/opinion/analysis/fintan-ofisk-follows-the-510405.html
4. This quotation is from an answer to one of a few supplementary questions that we put to Fintan O’ Toole after the interview. The full answer will form an addenda to Part2.
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Earlier this year we spoke at length to leading writer, columnist and Assistant Editor at The Irish Times, Fintan O'Toole. O’Toole recently returned from China from where he reported on many facets of life within the emerging capitalist heavyweight, describing both its beauty spots and open sores. He depicted a situation sometimes far removed from the dream market frequently referred to on the financial pages as ‘open for business’. [1]
He writes that while “China shows unequivocally that global capitalism increases wealth… China also shows unequivocally that, left to itself, global capitalism increases inequality.” [2] O’ Toole is also the author of a number of books including ‘Post Washington: Why America Can't Rule the World’ and he sits as Chair on the Advisory board of TASC, ‘a think tank for action on social change’. With over 20 years experience working within the dominant media he is well placed to define the medium and its abilities and limitations - though some might discern a slight rose tint to the picture he paints, in places. Fintan O’Toole is one of the most prominent representatives of ‘the left’ in mainstream Irish journalism and is frequently heavily criticised for his troubles. As discussed in our interview with Noam Chomsky, again, the label ‘anti-American’ is seen fit to pin on him. [3]
Much of what is covered in the following interview will do little to reassure those who have lost faith in the ability of a medium beholden to corporate structures and external dependencies. The impression is of a closed circle of elites pampering other elites, while capitalism’s advertising-dependent media has it’s freedom “inevitably and inescapably circumscribed.” [4] There are some mitigating factors and Fintan O’Toole stresses that it is not a ‘crude’ formula. The Irish Times Trust, for one, makes the news outlet unique where Irish media ownership is concerned in that it has no shareholders - but this has it’s advantages and disadvantages. Fintan O’Toole gives a fascinating account of his experience of the Irish media and makes many illuminating observations about the way mainstream media works. We are grateful to him for the time and consideration he has given to the issues that we aim to promote for debate.
(FT - Fintan O’Toole, MB - MediaBite, Miriam Cotton and David Manning)
MB - What brought you into journalism?
FT - I suppose I was one of those people who have always been involved. When I was in school and college I was editing the newspaper. And it was more out of activism that I first started writing. When I was 14 or 15, I was involved in a thing called the Irish Union of School Students, which was an early attempt to establish a union for secondary school students in Ireland, which I'm glad to see has re-started, as it was dormant for a long time. It really started in the early 70s which was, I guess, on the back of Paris 1968 and the student movements etc. So I would have been actively engaged in campaigning and writing reports on corporal punishment - which would have been a big issue in secondary schools at the time - and then setting up a student council, student newspaper. That sort of stuff meant it was something I was always doing. It didn't occur to me for quite a long time that I could actually make any money out of it, or get a job. By default, I suppose, I did an Arts degree in UCD, which qualified me for very little. So, while doing some post graduate work, I began doing some work for In Dublin magazine and gradually drifted into it as a way of making a living.
MB - Did you have a mentor when you first started professionally?
FT - I did to some extent. In Dublin was actually a very good place to start. At the time it was fairly new - set up by a guy called John Doyle. The features editor was David McKenna who is now a television producer at RTE. He was a very smart guy, steeped in the American new journalism of Tom Wolfe, Norman Mailer, Joan Didion and that new attitude to journalism, whereby journalism was meant to be written with the same kind of style that fiction was, with the same kind of energy and the same kind of self conscious shape to a piece. Which very much influenced magazine journalism rather than news reporting. And that's what we were doing - people like Colm Toibin, Mary Raftery, Michael Dwyer, Michael Darvey, Aidan Dunne - we were all at the same period, in the same magazine. It was very good, I didn't go to a journalism school, and in a way it was a lot better, since you were doing stuff for publication. You were being paid appallingly because there wasn’t much money around, but the other side was you had time to work on a piece, you could work on a 3,000 word piece for a month, and you were just happy to get it in to the magazine. There was an editing process that was very creative. In terms of learning how to do it, it was probably the best way you could.
MB - How do you think your perception of journalism has changed over the years?
FT - From my own perspective, things have changed a lot. The process has changed. That kind of facility whereby you can work for along time on a single piece, where you can have more of a direct sense of control over what you do, that certainly recedes when you move into the professional world of journalism. The constraints of time and space become immediate. You don't get 3,000-word pieces anymore. I worked for the Sunday Tribune with Vincent Browne in the early eighties, then I went to Magill. I went into the Irish Times in '88. Even in the '80s you could still, for example, write a 3,000-word piece in a newspaper. It wasn't regarded as some kind of madness. So there was, oddly enough, an influence from new magazine journalism on newspapers. Partly due to the fact it was myself and people like me moving into the mainstream print media. The mainstream media was quite happy to absorb what it saw as a new energy and complexity. That has receded gradually, as the design of newspapers has changed. There is a perception that readers won't put up with long pieces of text. But also, as the economics of print journalism has changed, you've ended up with fewer journalists writing more, a very simple labour equation. Historically, the trend is for fewer and fewer people to work in newspapers, while producing more and more.
MB - Going back to what you were saying about magazine journalism being absorbed into mainstream, do you see any reflection of that in the blogging phenomenon? The BBC, the Guardian and the Irish Times are all blogging.
FT - It's very similar. The mainstream are always going to try and absorb whatever is out there, and interesting people. It's not a sinister monopolistic tendency, so much as a desperate search for what the next thing is. And it's a generational thing. The people who run and edit newspapers tend to be older; the people who are doing new and interesting things tend to be younger. It's not in itself a bad process, what happened in the eighties and early nineties was a process which contributed to the narrowing of the media at that time - a lot of that was actually driven by advertising.
One of the things that made the relative flourishing of an independent magazine section possible in the late seventies early eighties, was when you had magazines such as In Dublin, Magill, Hibernia - a lot of smaller print media - driven, ironically enough, because they tended to be a little more radical and critical, by the advertising market. What made them economically viable was that you had a whole new breed of advertising agencies coming in, who for the first time were saying - we don't care about the politics directly of this, we care about who you are reaching. And they were obsessed with reaching young people, richer, more liberal people, who were perceived as being more receptive to different ideas. Therefore if you were running Magill, for example, in the early eighties, it wasn't that all the advertising agencies thought Vincent Browne was fantastic, liked everything he was saying etc, they liked the fact the magazine was being read by people they wanted to sell products to. That drove, in turn, the possibilities of a relatively more diverse media.
The absorption of this was partly journalistic, but also due to advertising. Agencies saw all these companies putting all this money into this advertising pool, which was taking away from newspapers. It was partly technological too. One of the reasons why the advertisers put their money in magazines, such as Magill, is that they were the only places you could have high quality colour printing. The newspaper didn't do that then. You then had a technological leap, whereby the newspapers bought colour printing presses, thereby absorbing some of the advertising and at the same time the journalists. Therefore it was narrowing the media. It is not accidental that some of those publications that survived have done so in a much narrower form.
MB - Magill for instance?
FT – Yes. In Dublin certainly ceased to be anything like what it was. It was actually a pretty serious current affairs magazine with cultural, political and social commentary. With blogging you can say to some extent the mainstream media is trying to do something similar. One of the interesting things is that it is not as easy to do that, you can bring in some of the journalists, as is happening in some of the mainstream media, but in marketing terms it's a much more diverse, much more fluid technological shift that is a lot more difficult for them to absorb everything from. I think the balance of power lies much more with the bloggers. By its very nature, it is much more difficult to get hold of.
MB - In terms of narrowing, when we spoke to Eddie Holt, he commented that he had seen a noticeable shift to the right, specifically in the Irish Times, would that be something you would agree with?
FT - I've heard this said a couple of times and it slightly puzzles me. Because it suggests that the Irish Times was a left wing newspaper and has moved to the right. When was it a left wing newspaper? It seems to me there are a couple of things here, some of them true and some of them perception. One of the things that is true is that the Irish Times was more a campaigning newspaper to a degree in the seventies, when it was more marginal, the legacy of being the protestant newspaper. Which ironically gave it an edge, having been the old conservative establishment newspaper, it was marginalized in the new state, and therefore became a magnet for all sorts of dissidents. It was the one place in a very confined Irish political discourse, where some degree of radicalism or some degree of dissent could be expressed.
But I don't think that made it any sort of radical newspaper. In the sixties and seventies and to some degree the eighties, the newspaper did acquire a radical tinge from two things. One was feminism. Undoubtedly the very fact of consciously bringing women into newspapers and increasingly as editors did, it gave it a kind of progressive nature. And secondly, there was what were called the 'social issues'. This was a typically strange sort of Irish locution - social issues not being social issues, but actually being issues of private sexual morality. The whole church-state clash, divorce, contraception, abortion, for example. On those issues the Irish Times held a much more progressive, radical position. But none of those issues, in economic terms, were left wing issues.
The Irish Times has always been a relatively centrist, pro-business newspaper with a degree of structural commitment. So in terms of at least covering issues of social inequality and poverty, I don't think it’s ever been more radical than that. I think some of the perception of it becoming more right wing is do with the fact those two big influences have been absorbed into the mainstream as radical jesters. The Irish Times, I would think, does continue to be a better place to be for women. But it is no longer such a wedge issue in society. A huge amount of what would have been seen as brave and radical on the part of the Irish Times twenty years ago in terms of those so-called social issues, are now just the absolute orthodoxy of mainstream media.
So, I am not really convinced there is a simple shift to the paper turning left or right wing. It is a very independent newspaper in the very broadest sense, in terms of its ownership structures and in terms of internal organisational structure. There is no one who rings you up and says you can't say or do that. What you might have, is a shift in the social composition of journalism in general, which is certainly reflected in the Irish Times - which is that most of the people going into journalism are somewhat to the right of what they would be twenty years ago. And I think it has come from a bigger process, which is the professionalisation of the field, the fact that it has become something of a career path. And the entry to it has been set down through post-graduate study, this itself is a very big plateau for people to reach socially, in terms of being able to afford to go to university and then to pay for a fairly expensive post-graduate degree course. You are automatically changing the social composition of who the journalists are and you are also putting forward a notion of what a journalist is; it is a career analogous to being a dentist or a lawyer. Those changes certainly play on the Irish Times, but I think they have a broader purchase in terms of the way the Irish media is working.
MB - Well that poses a number of questions, but something that we had in mind to ask, and something we asked Eddie Holt was, in terms of the Irish Times output, writers such as Charles Krauthammer represent a massive right wing shift compared broadly speaking to the rest of the paper. Why would he exist in the Irish Times? And the same with Mark Steyn before and to a lesser extent Kevin Myers, who has a sort of humour value.
FT - Well I think Charles Krauthammer has a humour value too, I find him very funny. Well I didn't make the decision to bring Charles Krauthammer or Mark Steyn in, but so far as I understand it, the thinking would have been that the Irish Times readers need to know what this kind of thinking is - a thinking that is having such a profound effect in shaping the world. Undoubtedly there is an objective phenomenon - the rise of a very aggressive neo-conservatism in the United States. Krauthammer and Steyn would be fairly representative of the kinds of thought processes that go on there, and that there is a value and function to exposing Irish Times readers to, who may often be fairly insulated from it. It is not something, unless you read certain kinds of publications, you are likely to come up against.
The argument is that as an irritant factor it is actually quite important to know how these people think, to know how extreme their views are - it’s important you understand the kind of language they use. If they are going to start to talk about 'buttock mountains' in Abu Ghraib, there is an information capacity in terms of knowing what these people say. There is a very valid argument about whether it works that way. Whether it is seen as what the Irish Times thinks - the overall ethic of the paper is one that tries to represent diversity of views. That is one of its inherent constitutional notions, in terms of what it is supposed to do. And that does include views, which certainly I would find obnoxious.
And it's a question I know was also debated in some of the more liberal media in the United States. For a long time the New York Times went through a stage of very deliberately including a lot of very conservative opinion, ultra conservative opinion, which would not cohere with the New York’s Times itself. And they did that for very specific reasons. They wanted their readers to know what these people were thinking. They decided after a while that it was counterproductive in a sense so they stopped doing that and went back to a more coherent New York Times, where for instance they would be more critical of the Bush administration. It's a decision that you can only really make contingently, you have to keep looking at what you are doing and what effect it is having. Personally I wouldn't mourn the loss of Charles Krauthammer from the Irish Times, though you might miss the display of prejudice, ignorance and bigotry. The fact is that it is a really powerful force, and there is some value in being exposed to it.
MB - What in your opinion is the role of the journalist? Who are they duty bound to, the reader, the newspaper, or an idea of impartiality?
FT - It seems to me the primary responsibility of a journalist is to a democratic society, journalism is a function of democracy. It is not an extraneous function, it's critical, you just don't have democracy if you don't have both the capacity of citizens to be informed and the capacity of citizens to express and debate a diversity of views and analyses about their society. In that sense journalism is absolutely responsible to the reader. Any good journalist is attempting to stimulate and inform the wider society. Through the reader that hopefully feeds into the nature of the discourse of the society that you exist in. That's the core responsibility, but it would be naive to suggest that that the responsibility is being purely fulfilled by anybody.
We are called media, since we are a channel of mediation between power structures and citizens, and they are themselves a power structure. So what you see is an apparent fundamental conflict between the responsibilities of the journalist to the citizen and the circumstances within which that responsibility gets fulfilled, which is through a media organisation which has it's own interests and is a form of property, and the broader power structures which the journalist is supposed to be reflecting on and attempting to hold accountable - but which is also shaping the climate within which the journalist operates. It seems to me that journalism doesn't operate within any sort of static state; it is a continual attempt to hold on to the responsibilities to the reader, while dealing with the exigencies of the real world, including the technological and physical conditions. Hence if journalists are operating within structures that don't provide space for critical thought then that limits the way they can operate. Additionally if the commercial conditions in the broad sense in which they operate are not conducive to that kind diversity and function then it is obviously going to be a struggle. It is a struggle all the time I think. I imagine for most conscientious journalists it is a daily struggle.
MB - How much influence does the concept of trust behind the Irish Times have on its output and does that differentiate it from something more on the lines of the Independent?
FT - The ownership structure, the trust structure, is hugely important. It helps to protect the newspaper from one particular set of pressures; it does not protect it from a lot of other ones. The set of pressures it protects it from are I think double, one is the overweening power of a single owner which no matter what anyone says, as of course all of these owners will say they don't influence what goes into their newspapers or television programmes, but this is clearly not true. It's not accidental that Murdoch’s papers all round the world happen to take the same editorial line. It's not accidental that Tony O'Reilly's newspapers happen to take the same editorial line. The idea that they've all independently come up with the same line doesn't make sense to me.
Clearly you don't have that with the Irish Times, I've been there since 1988 and I can honestly say there hasn't been a single time when someone has come up to me and said 'we're not going to say that because it conflicts with the interests of the trust or an owner etc'. It also plays out in a broader sense in that the commercial pressures are less immediate. You don't have an annual general meeting of Irish Times shareholders asking whether their shares have gone up or down and so there is some capacity to at least understand that the newspaper has to make money, but it does not survive in order to make money. There is a distinction between those two things.
Having said how important the trust is, it would be naive to suggest that releases you into some realm of freedom and complete objectivity - clearly it doesn't. The Irish Times very nearly went out of existence a couple of years ago, in the middle of a major economic crisis. It has to function as a business, just as any other business functions. If it does not make money, it does not survive. Its survival is, though not quite on the edge, it's a real question from year to year. One of the limitations of the trust structure is that you cannot raise capital; it has to be self-financing. So if you want to buy a new printing press, which is what the Irish Times did, you have to fund it out of current profit. Which is one of the reasons the Irish Times nearly went out of business. There are really serious financial pressures there, and they undoubtedly have a big effect. It's not a daily effect that journalists are aware of, but it's a constant, its part of the background.
There is a clear understanding that if the Irish Times ceases to be a commercially viable proposition then it ceases to exist. The other set of pressures which is pervasive rather than self conscious is that, in common with almost every single media outlet in Ireland, the IT is dependent on advertising. media that depend on advertising are not free media, there's an inherent importance in being dependent on advertising. And it doesn't really matter whether it's a trust structure or a government organisation like RTE; if you're dependent on advertising then you're in the business of selling. People sometimes think this is a very crude thing, that for instance, if you want to write a piece about how shit Coca Cola is but because we carry Coca Cola ads we can't do that - in my experience that kind of very direct thing doesn't happen. In a way, if it did happen it would be fine, because it would be a very clear kind of relationship. It's much bigger than that and much broader than that. It seems to me sometimes people don't grasp that, it's not to do with the advertisers; it's to do with the people the advertisers are trying to reach.
The advertisers advertise because they put a huge amount of money into finding out exactly who's reading the Irish Times, the Daily Star, watching TV3. They spend a lot of money doing that, not for the good of their health, but because their advertising spend is completely determined by the age profile, the demographic profile and particularly the wealth and class profile of the people who are consuming a particular piece of media. That in turn means something quite profound, say the Irish Times sells 116-117,000 copies; it could sell 120,000 copies tomorrow, to 220,000 different people and still go out of business. If the other 120,000 people were people that were from poorer sections of society, the advertisers who advertise in the Irish Times would not be interested in reaching them, because they don't have enough money to spend on the products they want to sell. They're not going to be buying the 5 million Euro houses on the front page of the property section for example. In general they are not the consumers the advertisers want to reach.
So there is a fundamental shaping effect in terms of the self-selecting nature of the audience, the audience has to be an audience that has money to spend. If they don't have the money spend, then advertisers won't advertise, if they don't put the money in then we don't survive. That's a simple set of rules; no one tells you these rules when you go into journalism, because they don't have to. I've never been at a meeting where someone says 'we won't do that because it doesn't appeal to rich people', it's much more fundamental to that. It's the air you breathe; it's the context of which all media, which are funded in whole or in part by advertising, operate. It does have a really important effect on who then is important to be writing for.
If you think I'm being kind of crude saying this then listen to the ads on any of the radio stations when the JNR figures come out of who's listening to them. They're not saying 'we've got 1.5 million listeners and Today FM have only got 100,000', they're saying we've got more listeners in the A B C social categories, we've got more listeners in the 17-35 age groups. They are saying very openly: rich people are reading us and young people are listening to us. They are very self-consciously saying some people are more important than other people in terms of who's consuming their product. That has to have an effect on the nature of things that get done, but in relation to the kind of agenda the paper has, that becomes important.
MB - We noticed something similar in one of the first pieces we did as MediaBite, looking at advertising we noted the National Newspapers of Ireland statement that it provides advertisers with "the opportunity to carefully and strategically place their message in the editorial environment that will deliver the best results."
FT - Well it's important not to be crude about this, because it's clearly not the case that everyone that has any money to spend in Ireland is completely right wing and completely uninterested in social justice, there are flexibilities and lacunae in this general structure. But this structure exists and it undoubtedly has a very powerful set of consequences.
To take a very simple example, two weeks before the calling of the general election dominated by the issue of stamp duty. While stamp duty is a big issue for a relatively small group of people, it's actually not a big issue for the majority of voters. Housing policy is a much more important issue with a quarter of a million people on housing waiting lists or in housing need, who the market is clearly failing. Have you seen any reference at all to that as a media issue and therefore an issue to be addressed in the election campaign? Compared to stamp duty in the housing market field it's a vastly more important issue. Also vastly more important is building land, if you go right back to 1967 and the Kenny report, there has to be control on building land or you will never solve the housing problems in Ireland. That was repeated in I think 2002 by a joint Oireachtas committee on the constitution, which stated we had to put controls in place on building land because we have a situation where we have a very small number of property developers controlling the entire housing market in the greater Dublin area. This is a fundamental issue and not a single political party is raising it as a major election issue. There is a kind of a symbiotic relationship here, whereby the politicians don't raise it as an issue, the media then don't put it up as an issue to be addressed, and it forms a closed circle. The politicians say no one is talking about this, so it's not important, the media don't mention it because it is not on the political agenda and so on. So you get a very closed world, it's not a conspiracy; it's the way this kind of discourse works. The issues that are of primary importance to the kinds of people that are crucial to the advertisers are the issues that are going to work their way to the top of the political agenda.
MB - You have probably seen the documentary on RTE recently concerning the 'looming' property 'landing'. While it was to a degree one sided; this was definitely something that needed to be said. Yet the next day there is an article in the Irish Independent asking why RTE was scaremongering - 'RTE broadcasts fear in the market'.
FT - You are absolutely right about that. It was interesting that RTE did that. RTE are one of the few media outlets that don't take property advertising. It's not a simple one plus one equation, though it is undoubtedly true that if not the choice of subject, but the prominence that is given a certain subject has to be related to the direct interests of the media outlets themselves. There is no question that almost all of the Irish media for the last 10-15 years has had a crucial economic stake in a rising property market. Because property advertising is very lucrative and is a very important part of what makes the Irish media tick. It's not that a newspaper like the Irish Times will not publish things that say 'this is a bubble'. It has published a number of pieces and very authoritative pieces, but in a sense it's where are those pieces going to appear. How are they related to the broader agenda, in terms of how we understand our society at the moment? So I'm not saying there is an absolute mechanical relationship between certain interests and what appears, but I am saying that the relationship exists. People need to understand this, it is not a council of despair - well you know there is nothing you can do about this. A critical understanding of how the media works is one in which people understand the kind of relationships that are involved and how to read and see that it is not necessarily an objective and accurate reflection of everything that is important to Irish society.
For Part 2 of our interview with Fintan O’ Toole visit:
http://www.mediabite.org/article_The-Corporate-Media---Part-2_219127101.html
1. http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/finance/2006/0925/1158591008820.html
2. http://www.ireland.com/newspaper/newsfeatures/2006/1118/1163722325062.html
3. http://www.independent.ie/opinion/analysis/fintan-ofisk-follows-the-510405.html
4. This quotation is from an answer to one of a few supplementary questions that we put to Fintan O’ Toole after the interview. The full answer will form an addenda to Part2.
Permanent Link:
http://www.mediabite.org/article_The-Corporate-Media_474268952.html
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About Mediabite
"To lead and shape public opinion"
According to Geraldine Kennedy, Editor of the Irish Times, this is the function of the media. It is a strikingly paternalistic statement and one that clearly reveals the attitude of the paper to its newspaper reading public. What is perhaps more concerning is that Ms Kennedy and the Irish Times appear not to realise that the majority of their readership, in all probability, do not share any such conviction about what it is the Irish Times is supposed to be doing: reporting the news factually with respect for the interests of the whole community. Nevertheless, her bold statement of intent is advertised confidently on the Irish Times website. [1]
Though we generally consider ourselves immune to media manipulation, we tend to believe what we read and hear in the media. In order to understand how our beliefs might be manipulated it is essential that we identify the controlling influences which, in turn, tend to lead and shape the media itself.
We know that journalists do not, with few exceptions, tell outright lies and that a stated guiding principle of what they do is to strike a neutral and balanced position in reporting events so that all perspectives and views can be taken into consideration. Should we therefore simply accept that they succeed in applying the highest standards to their work? Given the importance of what they do, should journalists and journalism be accountable?
These are the questions with which we are concerned and which have prompted us to establish MediaBite. Aside from our own personal interest in and commitment to these matters we have also been inspired by the UK-based organisation Media Lens which has generated a valuable debate within the profession of journalism there, at a time when the British media urgently needs to re-assess its role in contributing to and promoting corporate interests at the expense of ordinary people the world over. We aim to emulate that debate in Ireland and hope to engage with journalists here constructively for that purpose. In pursuing this objective there are several factors which MediaBite have in mind.
The Corporate-led Mainstream Media
Firstly, the corporate environment within which the news media operates, the extent to which it is dependent on advertising in order to survive and how that impacts on the way news is told . There is also the bottom-line orientation of media corporations owned by wealthy individuals and even larger parent companies and the dependence on subsidised news from government and corporate sources. The relationship between the political establishment and the corporate sector - and the knock-on effect that has on how journalists report what politicians are doing - all need to be considered too. Journalists often speak of the 'firewall' that is supposed to protect editorial decision-making from external influence but is that firewall in reality more like a 'revolving door' between journalism, government and big business?
For example, the weekly Irish Examiner columnist Terry Prone is also a PR advisor at Carr Communications where several of her clients are major government departments. [2]
When the recent revelations about Taoiseach Bertie Ahern's acceptance of several undeclared cash payments came to light, Prone was prone to emphasising how unnecessary she believed the resulting fuss to be. There is no suggestion that Terry Prone was motivated to express this opinion by anything other than her own genuine convictions, but how much more difficult for her would it have been had she taken the opposite view? As it stands she has devoted no fewer than three of her recent columns to defending the Taoiseach, one way or another, in his hour of need.
These are elementary questions but they are not considered often enough and are certainly worth asking again, and again, in our view. For instance, how credible is it that a newspaper that is heavily dependent on property advertising is likely to carry articles that are strongly critical of practices within that sector? To what extent does the pursuit of profit dictate what is included and, as importantly, is left out? And if we accept that these are merely the pragmatic facts of newspaper life, do we then simply ignore their ongoing significance to the version of society that we are encouraged to believe in? This is not to argue that there is a conspiracy theory, but rather a filtering out of challenging facts and ideas by media personnel driven by the human capacity for self-deception and denial - and the need to survive or succeed within a frame of reference that is unsympathetic to other considerations.
For the last 15 years at least, Ireland has been administered almost exclusively in the interests of major national and international corporations. There is no part of our lives that has not been affected from the school curriculum to the commercialisation of care for the elderly. If anyone doubts this is so, then they should pay a visit to the IBEC website. There you will find that the country's most influential corporate movers and shakers have set out extensive, detailed policies for how this country should be run - in order to serve the needs of business. There is no corner of life into which they have not directed the penetrating beam of their gaze - from social welfare and immigration through education and health, to strategic and infrastructural planning, and much more besides. Here is a quotation from the Human Resources Policy Committe page on the IBEC website:
"The Human Resources and Social Policy Committee monitors new employee protection legislation to assess its impact on competitiveness, the content and delivery of all education and training activity, to ensure that training standards and relevance are consistent with business requirements. Committee members represent IBEC on a wide range of education and training bodies." [3]
Our laws have been changed to accommodate these big business demands - with drastic consequences for democratic participation, social administration and the environment – not least of which is the controversial Strategic Infrastructure Bill which gives sweeping powers of decision-making to government appointees while drastically curtailing the democratic public involvement in assessing controversial development proposals – the better to service the demands of major foreign corporates, among others. These new laws have ensured an alarming convergence of power on central government with barely a murmur from the media about what is happening. We believe for all these reasons there is now a compelling need to reassess the news media's role in accepting and promoting the commercial agenda and how they comply with the imperative emanating from some quarters to place that agenda above all other considerations.
“What we have to do in the media is to build trust with the corporations so that they feel more comfortable in telling us these stories,” said Sarah Murray, U.S. editor of the Financial Times. “Because I think that in the end, if they do, they can actually build credibility.”
This is a quote from the Columbia Business School website in the US about a conference they held on Corporate Social Responsibility. [4]
Balance & Neutrality
Secondly we would like to challenge the notions of what are called 'balance' or 'neutrality' in news reporting. Straightforwardly, we believe that far from ensuring fairness and accuracy these notions have been the fig leaf behind which much systematic bias , inadvertent self-censoring and evasion of uncomfortable realities is disguised by journalists.
We will try to show that 'balance' and 'neutrality' have been used, for example, to insist on the highly questionable assumption that for each and every example of corruption, mismanagement or whatever, there is automatically some mitigating factor that must be found to put the issue at hand into a 'balanced' perspective, thereby lessening and frequently even obliterating the meaning of the stark truth - and the vital lessons that ought to be learned from it. This sort of 'balance' has nothing to do with accuracy - in fact it is its opposite. Isn't 'balance', in this sense, facilitating and nurturing access for journalists to the corridors of power and big business? Doesn't it simply keep them to the corporate-prescribed script within which their own career interests and those of their employers truly lie?
The standard, it seems, has been gathering dust in a broom cupboard for a long while. How many journalists have hesitated, fingers over the keyboard, instinctively aware that to write the unadorned truth of a story is very likely to attract the ire of the subject of the piece? And is that not exactly what has happened to many a journalist who has put truth ahead of expedience?
Here is The BBC's Andrew Marr responding to a similar observation by Noam Chomsky in an interview:
"What I don't get is that all of this suggests - I'm a journalist - people like me are self-censoring."
Chomsky responded:
"I don't say you're self-censoring. I'm sure you believe everything you're saying. But what I'm saying is, if you believed something different you wouldn't be sitting where you're sitting." (The Big Idea, BBC2, February 14, 1996)
To what extent has anxiety about this sort of outcome created an incentive for journalists to convince themselves to find a way of relating things, in the interest of 'balance', that will not draw it on them? We don't argue that many journalists deliberately do this much of the time but rather that these circumstantial realities are absorbed and reflected within the core principles of the profession so as to buffer itself from the naked reality: there is no profit to be had from telling the truth. Profit should have nothing to do with it and so long as it does people will continue to experience inequality and suffering which a truly independent news media could help greatly to prevent.
The authors of the book Guardians of Power, David Edwards and David Cromwell, who are also the editors of the Media Lens site have offered the following analysis:
"In his remarkable book, Disciplined Minds, American physicist and writer Jeff Schmidt shows how professionals throughout society, journalists included, come to promote the agenda of the powerful without awareness. Schmidt, formerly an editor at Physics Today magazine for 19 years, points out that professionals are trusted to run organisations in the interests of their employers. Clearly employers cannot be on hand to supervise every decision, and so professionals have to be trained to "ensure that each and every detail of their work favours the right interests or skewers the disfavoured ones" in the absence of overt control. Thus, the whole process of selection, training, and even qualification, Schmidt argues, has evolved so that professionals internalise the basic understanding that they should "subordinate their own beliefs to an assigned ideology" and not "question the politics built into their work". Schmidt continues:
"The qualifying attitude, I find, is an uncritical, subordinate one, which allows professionals to take their ideological lead from their employers and appropriately fine-tune the outlook that they bring to their work. The resulting professional is an obedient thinker, an intellectual property whom employers can trust to experiment, theorise, innovate and create safely within the confines of an assigned ideology. The political and intellectual timidity of today's most highly educated employees is no accident." (Schmidt, Disciplined Minds A Critical Look at Salaried Professionals And The Soul-Battering System That Shapes Their Lives, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2000, p.16, http://disciplinedminds.com/)
Is news passive and objective? How can it possibly be? Within the confines of every report, there is an automatic selection process as to what is said and how. That, in essence, is highly subjective and no journalist can avoid that subjectivity in anything they write. What is needed, we argue, is journalism that acknowledges this truth up front and which instead is motivated by a positive respect for all of its readers and places their varying interests at its heart. Not an easy thing to do, of course, but in reality we contend it is a perspective more likely to result in representative, rational, fair and accurate news reporting.
The British broadcast journalist, Kate Adie, has described in her autobiography, The Kindness of Strangers, how she responded to the shooting of a young father in Northern Ireland just before Christmas some years ago. He had been murdered in front of his young child and had fallen across the Christmas tree in his living room. Adie was the first person to reach the scene. Her responsibility, she said, was first and foremost to be a neutral journalist and for that reason she made no attempt to comfort the child. No hand on the shoulder no word of reassurance or acknowledgment of what the child must have been feeling. Neutrality in everything was the proper role of a journalist, she said, adamant that she had conformed to the highest principles of her profession. She waited until the appropriate authorities had arrived and left the scene. The effect on the child of that withholding of compassion, in that horrifying moment, is hard to think about. Adie's intention was not to be inhumane, but inhumane her omissions were, nevertheless. As one reviewer of the book has put it:
“Also missing, for the most part, is any semblance of Adie saying what is right and wrong about what she covered in her job. Yes, there is a small reference to her Royal Correspondent days as being totally worthless, and she admits that all the news flooding out of NI during the troubles was one of the biggest turn-offs for the TV news viewer…”
That small window of insight to Adie’s views of course confirms a little of what many people on the nationalist side of the divide felt about her book – that it was positively racist in the way it depicted them in the North of Ireland. Adie herself, at the end of her book says ‘I just stick to the facts’. But the facts actually include that when a small child witnessed the murder of her father an adult woman at the scene ignored her immediate and urgent need for assistance.
Kate Adie, ‘The Kindness of Strangers’, Headline Publishing, June 2003
It's a stark example of how journalists are so effectively schooled from disengaging from their own rational humanity. Although this may seem like an extreme example it is nevertheless relevant to the arid and distorting effect on news reality which such entrenched journalistic conventions have on real lives everywhere. That journalistic disconnectedness does nothing whatever to ensure balance or neutrality. In fact, it is precisely the conscienceless vacuum into which the genuine lived truth is constantly disappearing where most news reporting is concerned.
"True, emotion can distort. But it can also enhance. If one of the functions of the scholar is accurate description, then it is impossible to describe a war both unemotionally and accurately at the same time... Thus, exactly from the standpoint of what intellect is supposed to do for us - to extend the boundaries of our understanding - the 'cool, rational, unemotional' approach fails." (The Zinn Reader - Writings on Disobedience and Democracy, Seven Stories Press, Howard Zinn, 1997, p.506)
If journalism is not supposed to care, what and who is it really for? This same brutal detachment from reality this so called 'neutrality' - is colouring the reporting of thousands of aggressive and corrupt acts the world over every day. Exactly whose interests could possibly be served by 'neutralising' events in this way, except those who have an interest in pursuing the aggression/the corruption/the inequality/the social ills - whenever and wherever they occur? Take your pick from any of these, because this style of journalism is having a comparable impact on everything it touches. We are all exactly like that child in that our genuine concerns about our communities and our world, whatever they are, so seldom impinge on or are truly reflected in what news reporters do and how they do it - so much goes similarly disregarded by the fourth estate in this soulless quest for 'neutrality' and 'balance'. And if politicians are wondering why people have disengaged from politics then they should understand that it is almost certainly because of this detachment at the heart of the way their world is presented to the public - the strange three-partnered dance between business, politics and the media that we are forced to watch every day of our lives. It has nothing to do with us any more, we are never truly invited to participate. In fact, outside of the tiny locus of the letters page, we are pretty fiercely discouraged from getting involved in the mainstream media at all. We read it only to be told what to think, according to Geraldine Kennedy.
Language too has a key role to play in 'leading and shaping' our opinions. Words such as 'pacification' and 'pre-emption' are used to describe, for example the Bush/Blair illegal war of aggression in what they knew to be a virtually defenceless country - Iraq. We now know that approximately 655,000 deaths have occurred in Iraq, according to the Lancet’s most recent study, in order to achieve this ‘pacification’. Surely, we are talking about an inversion of meaning here that goes beyond any rational justification? In 2005 the media hailed the Iraqi elections, conducted under foreign military occupation, a "resounding success" and an "astonishing testimony to the power of democracy," while in the same year the media described elections in Zimbabwe as "stealing democracy" even though a similar formula for un-fair and un-free elections existed in both countries.
On the other hand you have Galloway the ‘firebrand’, Chavez the 'populist' and so forth. Again, all these terms converge exclusively with the perspective of state and private rhetoric. The language of mainstream journalism is a far cry from neutral. It lends seeming credibility to incomplete and inaccurate accounts of events, while at the same framing assumptions about anything that is a challenge to the status quo as a threat. How many people have either George Galloway or Hugo Chavez been responsible for killing? Nevertheless, we have the received journalistic 'wisdom' that Bush is 'bringing democracy' to Iraq going virtually unquestioned, despite any proof or historical precedence for what is being claimed. In reality, the exact opposite is the case but the media apparently is incapable of noticing the carnage.
Welcome
Welcome, for all these reasons, to MediaBite. Populist newspapers are not the subject of our interest: by and large they wear their hearts on their sleeve and in a certain way, though it is not always true, are more often straightforward about what they do. What we are concerned with are the avowedly liberal or broadsheet media to whom people traditionally look to as a safeguard against encroachment on our democratic way of life and for reliable, considered news. That is the place where we perceive the worst of the critical journalistic oversights as described above. We hope you will participate in the debates and discussions raised here and that, as mainstream media journalists, you will welcome the focus of our attention on your profession. If the Media Lens experience is anything to go by, that debate is likely to be lively and challenging at times but we hope it will never be less than interesting or worthwhile. For other readers and contributors we hope you will help us to highlight the frustration and alienation that many people increasingly feel from the corporate-driven media.
David Manning
Miriam Cotton
Editors
MediaBite
December 2006
1. http://www.irishtimes.com/about/p_intro.htm
2. http://www.carrcommunications.ie/public/aboutus
3. http://www.ibec.ie/IBEC/IBEC.nsf/vPages/About_Us~policy-committees?OpenDocument
4. Columbia Business School
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An Interview with Noam Chomsky
Professor Chomsky visited Ireland last year to speak at the Amnesty International Annual Lecture, he also gave a number of lectures in University College Dublin on, among other things, ‘democracy promotion’. The mainstream media’s coverage of his visit was both critical and supportive. RTE’s coverage was ‘balanced’ in that while they introduced him as a leading intellectual, they also spent a substantial amount of the introduction to an interview with Professor Chomsky attempting to debunk one of his more contentious statements – that the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999 “was not undertaken in response to the crimes, but rather precipitated the crimes, exactly as was anticipated.” And in response to the positive comments of Michael D Higgins and David Begg, RTE offered Mark Dooley of the Sunday Independent who summarised his work as a “forty year campaign in favour of Chairman Mao, Pol Pot, Slobodan Milosevic and Osama Bin Laden… an apologist for terror and tyranny without rival.”
Mark Little’s openly hostile interview that followed began poorly, with Little spending the first few of his 15 minute interview badgering Chomsky in the hope he would label Taoiseach Bertie Ahern a war criminal. It was unacceptable in Little’s eyes for Professor Chomsky to simply state his position as that concluded by the Nuremberg Trials - that the invasion of a foreign country is the supreme international crime, which encompasses within it all the evils that follow. It was up to the individual person to decide whether the Irish government’s support for the invasion of Iraq deemed the Taosieach a war criminal. The remainder of the interview was similarly inimical.
RTE’s failure to offer viewers a meaningful discussion, as opposed to the rehashing of old arguments and the pointless diversion of trying to put words in someone else’s mouth, was a real shame. A shame that RTE repeated during the Late Late Show’s failed ambush of George Galloway by Magill Editor Eamon Delaney.
We recently wrote to Professor Chomsky in the hope he could answer a few questions on the state of Irish journalism and the media in general. Generously he offered some of his time:
(NC – Noam Chomsky, MB – MediaBite, questions prepared by David Manning and Miriam Cotton)
MB: Can the corporate media produce the 'check and balance' they so often claim exists, or do we need to look outside the corporate sphere?
NC: On checks and balance, it’s not a matter of Yes or No, but of More or Less. Even in totalitarian societies, institutions are responsive to public pressure and the public mood. Far more so in more free societies. I’ve seen plenty of examples in my own personal experience of shifts in media performance and perspective resulting from all sorts of influences, including explicit pressures, and much else. Even an individual can do a lot; I know of significant cases from personal experiences. Organized groups far more. But there are institutional limits in the corporate media, and independent voices should be encouraged as a value in themselves, as well as because they too affect media performance.
MB: Ireland has strong historical ties to the US, and presently assumes a subtle, but supportive role in the US administration's 'War on abstraction'. By adopting this stance we have obviously made clear our allegiance, therefore criticism of the policies of our allies becomes not just warranted, but essential. Yet, this is often met with the perfect argument breaker, the accusation of 'anti-Americanism'. You are often charged with this, could you explain what you think it actually is?
NC: The notion “anti-Americanism” is a revealing one. It is drawn from the lexicon of totalitarianism. Thus people who think that the US is the greatest country in the world are “anti-American” if they criticize the acts of the Holy State, or join the vast majority of the population in believing that the corporate sector has far too much influence over government policy, or regard private corporate institutions created by state power and granted extraordinary rights as “a return to feudalism” (to quote old-fashioned conservatives, a category that now scarcely exists). And so on.
In totalitarian societies, the usage is standard. In the former Soviet Union, for example, dissidents were condemned as “anti-Soviet” or “anti-Russian.” Where a democratic culture prevails, the usage would be regarded as comical. If people who criticize Irish government policies were condemned as “anti-Irish,” I suppose people would collapse in ridicule in the streets of Dublin. At least they should.
The notion has an interesting history. It traces back to King Ahab, the epitome of evil in the Bible, who denounced the Prophet Elijah as an “ocher Yisrael” (a proper translation, now used in Israel, is “hater of Israel”). His reason was that Elijah condemned the acts of the evil King, who, like totalitarians since, identified the state (himself) with the population, the culture, the society.
People are entitled to revere King Ahab and Soviet commissars, and to adopt the term “anti-American,” on their model. But we should have no illusions about how they are choosing to identify themselves.
MB: I think I remember you commenting in a lecture some years ago that there is a noticeable difference between news reporting on either side of the Irish Sea. As part of an ex-imperial acquisition, could the Irish press provide a unique view on world events, or could this historical perspective have been wasted by the corporatisation of Irish society?
NC: I should make it clear, if I didn’t at the time, that this is only an impression. I don’t follow the Irish media closely enough to have a confident judgment. But I suspect it is true, and I presume that the history of hundreds of years under the jackboot has a lot to do with it. Not only in international affairs, those who are beaten by a club have a different perspective on the world than those who are wielding it.
On the impact of recent socio-economic changes, I do not know enough to judge.
MB: The type of language used in reporting is hugely influential in moulding perception. During last year's Israeli 'incursions' into Lebanon the Irish and British press put Israeli and Lebanese actions at an acute linguistic variance. For example, the Israelis 'captured' Hezbollah 'fighters', while Hezbollah 'kidnapped' Israeli 'soldiers'. RTE, the Irish public service broadcaster, did in fact redress a similar disparity after a polite nudge. Can you explain this seemingly intuitive bias?
NC: In one US newspaper, to its credit, a well-known military historian pointed out that a uniformed soldier `can no more be "kidnapped" by the enemy than an innocent, unarmed child can "die in battle”’ (Caleb Carr, Los Angeles Times). But the usage you describe is nevertheless standard.
In contrast, civilians can be kidnapped, and are. Israel’s escalation of atrocities in Gaza in June was portrayed as a reaction to the “kidnapping” of an Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit, on June 25, 2006. There was barely a mention in the media of the fact that one day before, Israeli forces had kidnapped two Gaza civilians, the Muammar brothers (on no credible charge, but that is not relevant here), and brought them to Israel in violation of the Geneva Conventions to join some 800 other civilians held without charge (hence kidnapped). Hezbollah’s capture of Israeli soldiers on July 12 aroused great Western outrage, and was taken to justify the Israeli invasion that destroyed much of Lebanon (perhaps a “disproportionate” reaction, according to mainstream critics). But there had been virtual silence for decades as Israel kidnapped and often killed Lebanese and Palestinians in Lebanon or on the high seas travelling between Cyprus and Lebanon, sometimes holding them as hostages for long periods, hundreds of them in secret prison camps/torture chambers like Facility 1391, exposed in detail in the Israeli press (and a few other places – never in the US). And if anyone had argued that it would be legitimate to invade and destroy much of Israel in retaliation for these kidnappings and killings over many decades, there would be cries of a resurgence of Nazism.
It need hardly be mentioned that kidnapping of civilians is a far more serious crime than capture of soldiers.
Why the disparity? It is one case of the dedicated rejection of one of the most elementary moral principles: that we apply to ourselves the same standards we apply to others, if not more stringent ones. What they do to us and our allies is an atrocity. What we and our allies do to them – which is often far worse -- is denied, minimized, excused. Israeli actions are carried out with enormous support from the US – economic, military, diplomatic, ideological – and general support from Europe as well. The disparity follows, as in innumerable other cases, documented to the skies.
Editorial note:
In June of last year we wrote to RTE Editor, Michael Good, to question RTE’s reporting of the Israel/Palestine conflict:
Dear Mr. Good,
RTE reports:
"Israel has given Palestinian militants a two days deadline to release a soldier kidnapped during a pre-dawn raid at an Israeli Army post near the Gaza Strip."
"Israel has denied that 64 Palestinian officials being detained in the West Bank are to be used as bargaining chips in the crisis over the capture of an Israeli soldier."
Israeli detention assures prisoners no more rights than Palestinian captivity.
Why does Israel 'detain' and Palestine 'kidnap'?
Yours sincerely,
David Manning [Email, 29/06/06]
Mr. Good responded the next day:
Fair point. We have put a message in our general mail to this effect.
Michael Good [Email, 30/06/06]
The above example is just a token of evidence in support of Professor Chomsky's comments on the ability of individuals to induce "shifts in media performance and perspective." The relationship between the corporate media and its consumers is a passive one. The possibility that individuals can hold the media to account for the way it reports news is largely unexplored. We invite MediaBite readers to join the evolving international movement to change this situation and to write to Irish journalists about the corporate and establishment biases in what they read. If news reporters are serious about the media's claims to uphold democracy, they will welcome this proactive form of engagement from their readership.
1. http://www.prospect-magazine.co.uk/article_details.php?id=7078
2. http://www.rte.ie/news/2006/0119/primetime.html
3. http://www.ucd.ie/news/jan06/011306_chomsky.htm
4. http://www.rte.ie/news/2006/0625/mideast.html
5. http://www.rte.ie/news/2006/0629/mideast.html
Permanent Link: http://www.mediabite.org/article_On-the-Media--Anti-
Americanism-and-Disparity_393277505.html
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Mark Little’s openly hostile interview that followed began poorly, with Little spending the first few of his 15 minute interview badgering Chomsky in the hope he would label Taoiseach Bertie Ahern a war criminal. It was unacceptable in Little’s eyes for Professor Chomsky to simply state his position as that concluded by the Nuremberg Trials - that the invasion of a foreign country is the supreme international crime, which encompasses within it all the evils that follow. It was up to the individual person to decide whether the Irish government’s support for the invasion of Iraq deemed the Taosieach a war criminal. The remainder of the interview was similarly inimical.
RTE’s failure to offer viewers a meaningful discussion, as opposed to the rehashing of old arguments and the pointless diversion of trying to put words in someone else’s mouth, was a real shame. A shame that RTE repeated during the Late Late Show’s failed ambush of George Galloway by Magill Editor Eamon Delaney.
We recently wrote to Professor Chomsky in the hope he could answer a few questions on the state of Irish journalism and the media in general. Generously he offered some of his time:
(NC – Noam Chomsky, MB – MediaBite, questions prepared by David Manning and Miriam Cotton)
MB: Can the corporate media produce the 'check and balance' they so often claim exists, or do we need to look outside the corporate sphere?
NC: On checks and balance, it’s not a matter of Yes or No, but of More or Less. Even in totalitarian societies, institutions are responsive to public pressure and the public mood. Far more so in more free societies. I’ve seen plenty of examples in my own personal experience of shifts in media performance and perspective resulting from all sorts of influences, including explicit pressures, and much else. Even an individual can do a lot; I know of significant cases from personal experiences. Organized groups far more. But there are institutional limits in the corporate media, and independent voices should be encouraged as a value in themselves, as well as because they too affect media performance.
MB: Ireland has strong historical ties to the US, and presently assumes a subtle, but supportive role in the US administration's 'War on abstraction'. By adopting this stance we have obviously made clear our allegiance, therefore criticism of the policies of our allies becomes not just warranted, but essential. Yet, this is often met with the perfect argument breaker, the accusation of 'anti-Americanism'. You are often charged with this, could you explain what you think it actually is?
NC: The notion “anti-Americanism” is a revealing one. It is drawn from the lexicon of totalitarianism. Thus people who think that the US is the greatest country in the world are “anti-American” if they criticize the acts of the Holy State, or join the vast majority of the population in believing that the corporate sector has far too much influence over government policy, or regard private corporate institutions created by state power and granted extraordinary rights as “a return to feudalism” (to quote old-fashioned conservatives, a category that now scarcely exists). And so on.
In totalitarian societies, the usage is standard. In the former Soviet Union, for example, dissidents were condemned as “anti-Soviet” or “anti-Russian.” Where a democratic culture prevails, the usage would be regarded as comical. If people who criticize Irish government policies were condemned as “anti-Irish,” I suppose people would collapse in ridicule in the streets of Dublin. At least they should.
The notion has an interesting history. It traces back to King Ahab, the epitome of evil in the Bible, who denounced the Prophet Elijah as an “ocher Yisrael” (a proper translation, now used in Israel, is “hater of Israel”). His reason was that Elijah condemned the acts of the evil King, who, like totalitarians since, identified the state (himself) with the population, the culture, the society.
People are entitled to revere King Ahab and Soviet commissars, and to adopt the term “anti-American,” on their model. But we should have no illusions about how they are choosing to identify themselves.
MB: I think I remember you commenting in a lecture some years ago that there is a noticeable difference between news reporting on either side of the Irish Sea. As part of an ex-imperial acquisition, could the Irish press provide a unique view on world events, or could this historical perspective have been wasted by the corporatisation of Irish society?
NC: I should make it clear, if I didn’t at the time, that this is only an impression. I don’t follow the Irish media closely enough to have a confident judgment. But I suspect it is true, and I presume that the history of hundreds of years under the jackboot has a lot to do with it. Not only in international affairs, those who are beaten by a club have a different perspective on the world than those who are wielding it.
On the impact of recent socio-economic changes, I do not know enough to judge.
MB: The type of language used in reporting is hugely influential in moulding perception. During last year's Israeli 'incursions' into Lebanon the Irish and British press put Israeli and Lebanese actions at an acute linguistic variance. For example, the Israelis 'captured' Hezbollah 'fighters', while Hezbollah 'kidnapped' Israeli 'soldiers'. RTE, the Irish public service broadcaster, did in fact redress a similar disparity after a polite nudge. Can you explain this seemingly intuitive bias?
NC: In one US newspaper, to its credit, a well-known military historian pointed out that a uniformed soldier `can no more be "kidnapped" by the enemy than an innocent, unarmed child can "die in battle”’ (Caleb Carr, Los Angeles Times). But the usage you describe is nevertheless standard.
In contrast, civilians can be kidnapped, and are. Israel’s escalation of atrocities in Gaza in June was portrayed as a reaction to the “kidnapping” of an Israeli soldier, Gilad Shalit, on June 25, 2006. There was barely a mention in the media of the fact that one day before, Israeli forces had kidnapped two Gaza civilians, the Muammar brothers (on no credible charge, but that is not relevant here), and brought them to Israel in violation of the Geneva Conventions to join some 800 other civilians held without charge (hence kidnapped). Hezbollah’s capture of Israeli soldiers on July 12 aroused great Western outrage, and was taken to justify the Israeli invasion that destroyed much of Lebanon (perhaps a “disproportionate” reaction, according to mainstream critics). But there had been virtual silence for decades as Israel kidnapped and often killed Lebanese and Palestinians in Lebanon or on the high seas travelling between Cyprus and Lebanon, sometimes holding them as hostages for long periods, hundreds of them in secret prison camps/torture chambers like Facility 1391, exposed in detail in the Israeli press (and a few other places – never in the US). And if anyone had argued that it would be legitimate to invade and destroy much of Israel in retaliation for these kidnappings and killings over many decades, there would be cries of a resurgence of Nazism.
It need hardly be mentioned that kidnapping of civilians is a far more serious crime than capture of soldiers.
Why the disparity? It is one case of the dedicated rejection of one of the most elementary moral principles: that we apply to ourselves the same standards we apply to others, if not more stringent ones. What they do to us and our allies is an atrocity. What we and our allies do to them – which is often far worse -- is denied, minimized, excused. Israeli actions are carried out with enormous support from the US – economic, military, diplomatic, ideological – and general support from Europe as well. The disparity follows, as in innumerable other cases, documented to the skies.
Editorial note:
In June of last year we wrote to RTE Editor, Michael Good, to question RTE’s reporting of the Israel/Palestine conflict:
Dear Mr. Good,
RTE reports:
"Israel has given Palestinian militants a two days deadline to release a soldier kidnapped during a pre-dawn raid at an Israeli Army post near the Gaza Strip."
"Israel has denied that 64 Palestinian officials being detained in the West Bank are to be used as bargaining chips in the crisis over the capture of an Israeli soldier."
Israeli detention assures prisoners no more rights than Palestinian captivity.
Why does Israel 'detain' and Palestine 'kidnap'?
Yours sincerely,
David Manning [Email, 29/06/06]
Mr. Good responded the next day:
Fair point. We have put a message in our general mail to this effect.
Michael Good [Email, 30/06/06]
The above example is just a token of evidence in support of Professor Chomsky's comments on the ability of individuals to induce "shifts in media performance and perspective." The relationship between the corporate media and its consumers is a passive one. The possibility that individuals can hold the media to account for the way it reports news is largely unexplored. We invite MediaBite readers to join the evolving international movement to change this situation and to write to Irish journalists about the corporate and establishment biases in what they read. If news reporters are serious about the media's claims to uphold democracy, they will welcome this proactive form of engagement from their readership.
1. http://www.prospect-magazine.co.uk/article_details.php?id=7078
2. http://www.rte.ie/news/2006/0119/primetime.html
3. http://www.ucd.ie/news/jan06/011306_chomsky.htm
4. http://www.rte.ie/news/2006/0625/mideast.html
5. http://www.rte.ie/news/2006/0629/mideast.html
Permanent Link: http://www.mediabite.org/article_On-the-Media--Anti-
Americanism-and-Disparity_393277505.html
© 2013 MediaBite.org - Powered by BaBna
Gilad Atzmon Interviewed by MediaBite
An interview with Gilad Atzmon Gilad Atzmon is a world renowned saxophonist and musician with a deep political passion for humanist issues and concern for the fate of the Palestinian people. He has written extensively about the issue and been published widely. As a self-exiled, former Jewish Israeli and IDF soldier, Atzmon’s perspective within the raging public discourse on Palestine is relatively unique. His views are bitterly opposed by some among anti-Zionist Jewish groups, who accuse him of anti-Semitism and of being a ‘self-hater’.
Atzmon fiercely resists the charge of anti-Semitism and insists that he is concerned with a proper and thorough examination of the ideology of what it is to be Jewish – in particular about how the notion of the Jews as ‘a chosen people’ has led, as he sees it, inexorably to the rise of Zionism and its present disproportionate influence on world affairs. Atzmon also takes issue with the Western Left which he believes has failed either to recognize the true extent of Zionist influence (he singles Noam Chomsky out for criticism) and of not understanding how western Marxist/socialist ideologies are incompatible with Islamic societies and therefore can be of no use to them. These and other issues are discussed with him below. There are many things in what Atzmon says below that beg further question and comment but hopefully the exchange has served to illustrate his interpretation of the Palestinian situation and to provide an insight on a less frequently aired or understood perspective. (GA - Gilad Atzmon, MC - Miriam Cotton, MediaBite) MC: Following the murder and kidnap of unarmed aid activists in international waters by Israel, General Petraeus has said the situation [in Gaza] is no longer sustainable. Though he was in no sense condemning what Israel had done, do you think there may be a beginning of an end to unconditional US support for Israel? GA: It is actually the other way around. It is Israel that ditches America. Israeli leadership realises that with America in the background the Jewish state won't be able to pursue its next two lethal plans: Nakaba 2 and dismantling Iranian nuclear capacity. Israel realises that if it wants to maintain its Jews only state as a regional power, it must ethnically cleanse the rest of the Palestinians. Israel is also convinced that its only chance of surviving in the region is if it maintains a nuclear hegemony. The USA makes things difficult for the Jewish State at the moment; it tries to slow Israel down. I believe that it is Israel that is leading the conflict rather than being subject to it. MC: But surely that assessment overlooks some important factors. Nobody can seriously doubt that the US obsession with the region is entirely to do with oil, gas and geo-strategic matters such as Russian and Chinese proximity to these resources, in particular. GA: This is a good way to put it. However you may also wonder what American interests are, who defines these interests and who shapes them. As it happens, AIPAC (American Israeli Public Affairs Committee) has been pretty effective in shaping American interests; we also know that the Wolfowitz doctrine made it into Bush’s doctrine. For the last three decades Americans failed to see the clear discrepancy between cheap oil and alliance with Israel. They might start to understand it now. MC: But the Bush family was/is an oil dynasty too - with ties to as many if not more Arabic vested interests as to the Israelis - there are many more non-AIPAC, US vested interests like these than are in AIPAC. Everything the US has done there since the beginning of its so-called 'war on terror' - and long beforehand - has been aimed at securing the Middle East and about energy and other resources. GA: This is all true. It is also true that AIPAC won’t necessarily interfere with unrelated political matters unless it involves Zionist, Israeli or Jewish interests. However, the Jewish lobby in America and in the UK has managed to shape the English speaking Empire’s vision of its needs and interests. From an American perspective, instead of admitting that American soldiers were actually sent to fight war for Israel, they were told instead that they were sent to die in the name of moral interventionism and democracy. They were actually told that they were ‘liberating the Iraqi people’. How wonderful! The oil and Israeli interests were presented as side issues. As we know, oil prices didn’t drop after 2003. And yet, Sadam Hussein, the bitterest enemy of Israel was removed. In the long run this plan didn’t work for Israel either. Iran had become the unchallenged Muslim leading power. Inshalah it also becomes a nuclear super power soon. This would obviously deter the Israelis from accomplishing its endless imperial aspirations. MC: There is no other country in the Middle East in which the US and its allies could position the vast military threat that Israel has been made into if they are to achieve their ambitions for the region. The realisation of Zionist ambitions for Israel was and still is a secondary consideration for the US, despite the relatively powerful Israeli lobby. GA: I am not so sure at all. I actually think that the Zionist Lobby has managed to destroy the American empire. I argue that the Credit Crunch is in fact a Zio-Punch. I argue that Greenspan created an economy boom to divert attention from Wolfowitz’ wars. The Zionists in fact have managed to bring down every super power they cling to. Britain, France and now America. You have to allow yourself to admit that the ‘War on Terror’ was actually a Zionist led war against Islam, a battle that was there to serve Israeli interests. MC: Israel has been funded and encouraged to develop a nuclear arsenal of several hundred warheads, while the Iranians who do not even have one, but who control a lot of oil, are deemed to be a threat to world peace. Frankly, in these circumstances the Iranians and others would be justified in thinking they need some means of defending themselves against the only real threat at present- and against those who are in fact being the most provocative as well as doing the vast majority of the killing: US-Israel. GA: This is indeed a very valid point. From an Iranian perspective, nuclear military capacity is a defensive means. The Iranians are constantly under a nuclear threat and so are the rest of the countries in the region and beyond. MC: Britain and America don't fight any wars that they don't want to fight - not even justifiable wars, unless there is a percentage in it for them. GA: Are you sure about this, or is that something we all prefer to believe? As it happens both in Britain and America the political parties are funded heavily by Jewish pro Israeli lobbies. Haim Saban, the multi-billionaire Israeli fund raiser for the American Democratic Party said last year that the best way to influence America is through political funding, the media and think tanks. There you go. Even the vision of ‘American interests’ can be no more than false interests when they have been manipulated into an alignment with what are really Israeli interests. At the end of the day, it is far cheaper to buy a western politician than buying a tank. It is far cheaper to recruit a ‘new friend of Israel’ than flying an F15 for one hour. MC: Israel is essentially a creation of the British and other European powers - and the oil was firmly at the front of their minds even way back then. GA: This is another myth that people like Chomsky want us to believe in. In fact the Balfour Declaration was there to pull America into the war. It was there to push Jewish German and Russian bankers to change their allegiance from Germany to Britain so they could fund the new American war. Amos Alon presents an embarrassing chapter in Jewish history in his monumental book The Pity of It All. In fact it worked for the British. Two months after the Declaration, America was in the war. This wasn’t about oil. It was another war funded by a Jewish political lobby. MC: As with many other violent regimes that the US has propped up, the US doesn't care one jot what Israel gets up to with its own people so long as the commercial plan is proceeding towards its goal. The ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians is just one of the incidental costs that has to be paid to keep the US's bulldog in the region onside. Official US and UK statements after the attack on the aid flotilla were deplorable, with Obama for example declaring the deaths merely 'regrettable'. This was a clear signal to Turkey: do that again and this is what we will give you. Get in line. GA: America is talking in many voices at the moment. It is confused or may even be lost in terms of foreign policy. Partially because there is a conflict between the American interests and the lobbies that gave the democrats the keys to the white house, namely AIPAC. MC: US-Israel can no longer get away so easily as it once did with propagandising the Palestinians’ cause as a nation consisting entirely of terrorists nor cover up the increasingly blatant horrors that are being visited on them. What General Petraeus was signaling, it seems, is that a new strategy is needed - one that is less horrifying to world opinion so that they can all get on with business without attracting so much negative attention to the details. GA: I think that General Petraeus together with his military advisers are realising that America is about to lose its grip in the Arab and Muslim world. At the end of the day, if I need your oil, I had better make friends with you rather than being caught in bed with your biggest enemy. MC: They obviously didn’t feel that way about Iraq. They have secured what they wanted there so far and next up is Iran. At the same time, it's clear that the US has created a monster, Israel, in the Middle East that will prove much more difficult to rein in than was wanted or even envisaged in some respects. GA: I agree with most of what you say. However, contemporary liberal democracy decisions are made by elected politicians that are bought by different kinds of ‘friends of Israel’. In America it is AIPAC and major Jewish fund-raisers such as Haim Saban whom I mentioned before, in Britain we had Lord ‘cash machine’ Levy and now the CFI (Conservative Friends of Israel). These pressure groups and individuals are there to suppress ethical reaction within the political system and beyond. However, following the last massacres in Gaza and on the Mavi Marmara, we saw a tidal wave of mass resentment towards Israel and its supportive Jewish lobbies. This is something that could lead eventually towards a cosmic shift also within politics. MC: A different question - in the Irish version of the Sunday Times on the 6th of June there was an extraordinary article by one of Ireland's foremost journalists, Matt Cooper, which was headlined 'Israel presents a test of diplomatic skills', I kid you not. Cooper begins the piece by acknowledging the atrocity committed by Israel on the Mavi Marmara but subsequently works his way around to recommending what he calls a 'nuanced' way forward that is devoid of morality or of even basic humanity. The murders and all the previous Israeli slaughters that he has just condemned are benched - presumably in the interest of what he calls 'balanced' opinion later on in the same piece. 'Diplomacy' and Ireland’s ‘economic interests’ are invoked so as to finesse the horrific truths of what is really happening to the Palestinians out of the equation or at least into the margins. We are invited to understand the feelings of successive Israeli governments and by implication to compromise with their murderous intransigence after all. He rehearses the same jaded myth that Israel is surrounded by hostility, while ignoring the terror that it has since its incarnation routinely threatened and inflicted on its neighbours and on the Palestinians with all the might of the US military at its disposal - and says nothing at all of the huge cache of nuclear weapons which it has threatened to use against Iran, which has no nuclear weapons. GA: It is indeed very interesting. Today we learned that Israel insists to probe its own crime. This is maybe the latest phase in Israeli manifested lunacy, arrogance or ignorance. The murderer tells the authorities, it is ok I can look into my own acts, leave it with me. ‘My parents and my cousin can review my acts.’ This is indeed a way to challenge world diplomacy. Will Israel get away with it this time? I hope not. But if it does, it is there to prove to us all again that kosher lobbies are corrupting our ethical perspectives. Considering the fatal danger of a total war invoked by Israel, our leaders do not have much time at their disposal. Israel is the ultimate danger to world peace. It must be confronted with the ultimate measures now. MC: I don't agree that any sort of preemptive physical attack on Israel would be justified, if that is what you are referring to. GA: I obviously do not refer to violence here but to some extreme measures of economic embargo, sanctions and cultural boycotts. MC: To get back to the media, I'm asking what you think about the role the mainstream media has played in promoting the Israeli perspective. Senior journalists throughout the West especially, mostly talk in a register of language and from within a frame of reference that is essentially back to front on this and many other issues: the victims of outrageous Israeli aggression and illegality are described as terrorists for resisting while the most outrageous pronouncements and behaviours are 'nuanced' into an Orwellian inversion of meaning and truth – Matt Cooper-style. Unprovoked aggression is redefined as defensive action to protect ‘economic interests’ above all. GA: As I mentioned before, Haim Saban states that influence is achieved through ‘political funding, media and think tanks’. You are concerned with media and ideology here. There is no doubt that in the English speaking empire we are facing a battle against a foreign ideology that was very successful in defining our needs, desires and notion of justice. It was also very successful in setting our notion of fear and terror. The neo-cons that were spreading the deceitful ideology of ‘moral interventionism’ via politics and media were largely Zionists with leftist roots. It is actually this ideology that signifies the horrifying shift of Zionism from the limited discourse of ‘promised land’ into global politics - namely ‘promised planet’. You may want to ask yourself why their ideology was successful for a while, why did we let these people drag us into an illegal war and make us complicit in the murder of more than one million Iraqis. You may want to ask yourself how did the Wolfowitz Doctrine make it into American policy? I guess that ‘moral interventionism’ and ‘war against terror’ look nice on paper. It means that ‘we’ are kosher and the ‘other’ is evil. It took the West and humanity some time to realise that, in fact, we were serving an evil ideology and Zionist interests. It may also take us some time to realise that it is us who have become the darkest force around. MC: Would you agree, that the complicit mainstream media narrative – which, as Chomsky has so clearly identified always runs in tandem with powerful economic perspectives - has been more powerful on Israel's behalf than ten AIPACs could ever have been? GA: Not at all because as Saban makes it plainly clear, there is a continuum between the fund raiser, the think tank and the media. In terms of British politics there is an obvious ideological continuum between the Political Friend of Israel (Lord cash machine Levy) the advocates for the war within the media (Aaronovitch, Cohen) and the British neo-con think tank (Euston Manifesto). MC: One of the major reasons the mainstream orthodoxy is being challenged now is because of the advent of the far more democratic, alternative media? GA: I don’t think so. It is challenged because there is a growing fatigue for Zionist politics, a growing realisation that tribal politics left a deadly stain on British and American foreign affairs. Also, following the second Lebanon war, the Gaza massacre and the latest assault on the Mavi Marmara, there is a greater realisation that Israel is a murderous state driven by morbid enthusiasm. But there is another reason that must be stated. For very many years, the Left blocked any attempt of elaboration on global Zionism and Jewish power. As it happens, aside from the recent weakening of the Zionist cause, the Left lost power within the solidarity discourse. To a certain extent the two political phenomena are linked. As we know, The Left has unfortunately failed to garner the emerging power of Islam and its immense power within the discourse of liberation. As a result, the Left has been left behind. It is pretty much irrelevant to the discourse. For the Left to bounce back it must learn to think ethically and make a political bond with Islamic movements and migrant communities in the West. MC: There are a number of things in what you are saying that I would challenge. Firstly, and ironically, somewhat like the Zionists themselves, you place them front and centre of everything that is happening. To disregard the motives and influence of the many other non-Zionist groups who are equally involved with them is similar to the disregard the Zionists show for others. GA: There is actually again a continuum that you fail to detect between the sense of chosensess that is inherent to Zionism and any other Jewish political discourse and the Zionist political practice which is relentlessly exercised around the world. Zionists do not try to control everything, I guess that they do not care much about tobacco for the time being (this is probably why we cannot smoke freely anymore) but they do care about Western foreign affairs and would use any possible means to shape them. Look at the pressure Zionist groups mount on the American administration with regard to Turkey, Iran, sanctions, attacking the Mavi Marmara and so on. MC: Not to defend what the US/UK/EU are doing, but to define their role as you do is almost to infantilise them - it is seriously to underestimate how powerful, dangerous and manipulative they are in their own right. GA: To be honest, they are not as clever as people seem to think. MC: Nobody sensible thinks they are being clever about any of this, but that they are capable of uncontrolled greed backed up with equally uncontrolled violence. GA: Actually Israeli violence is far from being ‘uncontrolled’. It is deadly and premeditated. This is the true notion of Israel’s power of deterrence. Back to your question. In fact they do it all in the open. David Miliband, who is also listed as an Israeli propaganda author, was acting against British universal jurisdiction just to allow Israeli war criminals to visit the UK. How do you explain it? Was it very clever of him? Was it very clever of David Aaronovitch and Nick Cohen to advocate an illegal war while being also Jewish Chronicle (a UK Zionist outlet) writers? Was it a clever move to support a war that led to 1.5 million dead Iraqis? Is it very clever of Haim Saban to tell the American people ‘we the Jews influence your life through political funding, media, and think tanks’? The answer is no, it is not clever at all. It is an infantile arrogance that is inherent to the chauvinist identity. The success of the Zionist agenda so far has a lot to do with the fact that they operate within tolerant discourses and people like yourself and Chomsky would go out of your way to defend them with foggy ideology. Unfortunately, this ideology doesn’t hold water anymore. As you may know Chomsky is totally discredited. His lame argument against Walt and Mearsheimer, which is similar to yours, puts a big question mark over his entire life time project. This may be a shame but the good news is that the resentment towards Zionism, Israel and relentless Jewish lobbying is becoming a mass phenomenon. It exceeds the political discourse. It is a spirit, it is public and it is refreshing. This may be good news because we always wanted to be there, the only concern is that no one really controls it anymore. MC: Where have these questions implied a defense of Zionists or Zionism? Merely to say that they are not alone in this or that they do not control what is happening in the Middle East on their own is in no way a defense either of their ideology or of their actions. GA: To start with it is not a personal debate but and ideological one. However, I guess that failing to confront extensive Jewish lobbying is to provide Zionism with a body shield. You are talking about other American interests. What is so unique about AIPAC, David Miliband and CFI is the fact that right out in the open they promote the interests of a foreign government. Would a Muslim lobby get away with it? Could Iran or Pakistan get away with it? Would Chomsky rush to defend them as well? I really wonder. MC: Chomsky has been a forthright critic of Israel's - was only recently prevented by the Israeli government from attending an engagement. He has made some puzzling statements but again, I think you ignore overwhelming evidence that contradicts what you say about him. GA: I have a lot of respect for what Chomsky did along the years. However, as American activist Jeff Blankfort pointed out recently, Chomsky has been dismissing the power of the pro-Israel lobby. He opposed the BDS movement and made some efforts to “dissuade people from using the term ‘apartheid’ to describe Israel's control over Palestinian society”. Chomsky also opposes the Palestinian right of return and a one-state solution. Chomsky is in fact a liberal Zionist as well as a kibbutz enthusiast. This is enough to explain why his voice has been pushed to the margin within the Palestinian solidarity discourse. Considering his contribution on other fields of thought, it is a shame indeed. MC: There is a lot that could and should be said in response to that but this discussion is not about Chomsky. AIPAC may be feted in Washington and London for now but it will go the way of all those who collaborate with the US in due course. As has been noted many times, US foreign policy makers think nothing of caricaturing former friends as villains when they stop being useful. The Israel-as-lone-defender-of-democracy-in- the-Middle-East myth has been forcefully sold for a long time, it's true, but seldom if ever have the economic and strategic spoils of war been so great. GA: Why was it useful? Is it because it is true? Not really. Israel has never been a democracy - it is a racially exclusive society that managed to set up a ‘Jews only democracy’. Americans are clever enough to understand it. They went through a civil rights struggle not that long ago and in fact they still do. The deceitful image of Jewish democracy was there to create a phantasmic continuum between the USA and the Jewish State. It is obviously far more complicated to explain to the masses how exactly supporting a hawkish Jewish state in a sea of oil would make oil cheaper. MC: Isn’t your fundamental mistake in this respect that you are confusing or ignoring much of the quite independent and equally violent avarice of the other vested interests with the extent of AIPAC’s influence, which everyone knows is undoubtedly strong. GA: With due respect and without claiming to be free of errors, I do not think that you are pointing to any mistake in my reading of the situation. If anything, all I can see is you being reluctant to admit that we had been pulled by an extensive institutional and very dangerous lobby for more than a while. In fact, I know that you and others are holding this position because you want to believe that you are true humanists. I respect it. Indeed one of the most crucial questions we have to confront here is how to say what we think about Israel and its Jewish lobbies and still be humanists. I believe that the answer is to admit that we are confronted with an ideology that dismisses our notion of humanism, kindness and compassion. To a certain degree we are confronted here with a deep challenge: ‘how shall we perform kindness to the unkind.’ This is why it is so important for me to maintain that the massacre on the Mavi Marmara was no less than killing Christ again. Regardless of the historicity of Jesus and regardless of the fact that there is NO continuum between the ancient Israelites and the contemporary Israelis, we see here a broad daylight assault on goodness and kindness. This deadly attempt was supported by the Israeli people, it was committed by their popular army and it is still supported by world Jewry except some sporadic Jews such as the Torah Jews who oppose it and obviously are highly respected for it. How do we confront it? Call for what it is. This must be our approach because as far as I can see, the Israelis and their lobbyists interpret your silence or reluctance to use the right language as weakness. If we want to help Israelis we may as well make it clear to them that we actually see through them. MC: It is important to understand Zionist ideology and to challenge and expose what is inhumane in it. Mainstream western media has been criminally complicit in its refusal to do that. But if the Zionists never existed, the US and its EU allies would be in the Middle East right now, or at some other time, doing exactly what they are doing - as they have done for centuries in many other parts of the world that the Zionists had nothing to do with. Also there are many Jewish people in Israel who have been courageously protesting the treatment of the Palestinians by their own government for a long time and who were very vocal after the Mavi Marmara. GA: “Many” is just slightly over the top. A Palestinian spokeswomen in London was asked in the late 1990’s what she thought of all those ‘good Jews’, those who support the Palestinians. Her answer was shockingly simple yet revealing. She said, “I admire all these beautiful and kind people, all fifteen of them”. In fact I follow their discourse and I cannot count more than eight of them. I am far from being impressed by the ‘Jews for this’ and ‘Jews for that’. I regard it as a Zionist fig leaf operation. Especially when it comes from Marxist Jews. If they are indeed Marxist, why don’t they just join the working class and fight Zionism along side the rest of us? I will now go back to your question. What would have happened if Israel didn’t exist? Since we are dealing here with a hypothetical assumption you may have to agree that USA/UK/EU could have also used very different tactics. Britain and America in the past used diplomacy also. If you read the history of Zionism, from the very beginning Herzl was capitalizing on super- power interests in the region. This is even before oil was an issue. So you can equally argue that the way things evolved was inevitable due to the nature of Zionist political philosophy of bonding with influential powers. Israel Shahak would argue that this is the heritage of the Talmud. I argue that this is the exact meaning of the Biblical Story of Esther. In my paper From Purim to AIPAC I explore the continuum between the Bible and contemporary Jewish political lobbying. MC: At the crudest level of all, Israel may have 500 nukes courtesy of the US, but the US arsenal and its overall military capability is many multiples of Israel’s. No contest. GA: This is pretty irrelevant, I am afraid. America is or at least was a super power. It was engaged in a cold war. This may explain rather than justify why it has so many bombs. However Israel engaged in a territorial battle with its so called ‘enemies’. One must wonder why it needs atomic bombs at all. If Israel cares about Sderot and Ashkelon as much as it says, it would never nuke Gaza. The answer is pretty devastating. Israel possesses all those bombs because it insists on keeping the rest of the world in a constant threat. In case anyone fails to see it, the rest of the world is what we call humanity. And this is the crux of the matter. We are dealing here with a lethal collective that is driven by deadly psychosis against humanity and humanism. MC: The Zionists have no monopoly on deadly psychosis towards other groups of people. The native American Indians have told the world a thing or two about the centuries-long psychosis of the Christian settlers there - the misery that led to mass suicides among many other horrors. It's surely fundamentally anti humanist – racist/discriminatory even - to single any one group of people out as being uniquely evil? GA: To start with we both agree that the Zionists didn’t invent evil. In fact Zionism is an attempt to exercise some colonial barbarism in a world that has moved on from that kind of political philosophy. In short Zionists are guilty of committing colonial crimes 100 years too late. However, you make one crucial mistake here. You say “It's surely fundamentally anti humanist to single any one group of people out as being uniquely evil.” You maybe right, but Zionism is not at all a group of people, it is actually an ideology. In fact it is a racist, anti humanist ideology that must be confronted. Similarly, those who follow this ideology are succumbing to an inhuman philosophy and must be exposed, named and shamed. As you will notice in my writing, I never criticize Jews as Jews or Judaism as a religion. I concentrate on Jewish ideology, namely Jewishness that has a very particular supremacist interpretation of the Judaic core. In my writing I have managed to trace Jewishness in every modern Jewish political setting whether it is right wing Zionism, the pseudo- socialist Bund or the radical Matzpen. However, I must mention that Torah Jews are free of that fault. They draw their inspiration from the Torah and present a very unique form of tribal humanism. MC: You say the left has failed to embrace the 'emerging power of Islam'. Left wing groups within Islam itself do not seem to be meeting with a good reception by and large. GA: I don’t understand what you mean by Left groups within Islam. Islam is in itself a philosophy that promotes equality; it doesn’t need Left ideology and cannot integrate such an atheist precept. I guess that what you are referring to is Left groups within the Arab or Muslim world. Indeed, the entire left philosophy is Euro-centric and related to the industrial revolution. These ideas are completely irrelevant to the Near East and its understanding of struggle for liberation. MC: Outside of Islam, the left can only offer solidarity and encouragement. GA: I guess that what you are taking about is producing badges, scarves and caps with Palestinian flags. This is indeed nice. I always quote Lacan in that reference. Lacan says that making love is in practice making love to yourself through the other. In that sense, the Left’s notion of solidarity is in practice ‘making love to yourself at the expense of the oppressed’. I am not impressed with this concept at all. MC: That may be true of certain types of activism but it is unfair to caricature much Left solidarity with the Palestinians like that. The Freedom Flotilla was about a lot more than producing badges and scarves. There are many journalists and activists who have made serious and effective efforts to support the Palestinians from within the left – some who have even given their lives to keeping up vital communication. And besides, the badges and scarves have served a purpose too by making sure we are not allowed to forget. GA: As it happens I was in Athens and in Nicosia when the Flotilla left. I was working closely with the Freedom Mission, I gave talks and interviews. I was also in touch with activists in Istanbul. I can tell you that the Freedom Mission to Gaza is indeed a very refreshing move within the solidarity movement. The so-called Leftists within this movement certainly are not frightened by Islam or Hamas. They certainly respect the Palestinian democratic choice. I admire them for that and wish I could have been with them on board. MC: To return to the Left and Islam, however justified Iran may be to perceive Israel as the real Middle Eastern threat; trade unionists are having a pretty hard time in Iran right now, for example. What is it that you think the left can or should be doing? GA: To start with I do not talk about the Left in Iran, Iraq or Palestine. I am talking about the Left here, in Europe. The first thing to do is to accept the notion of otherness. For instance: to stand up for Hamas as a democratically elected body; to stand up for Hezbullah which presents Israel with fierce resistance; to support an Iranian nuclear project as a necessary defensive means; to support the Muslim right to love their Allah and to fight for freedom in his name. These things are rather basic and elementary. The left must also realise that Muslim migrant communities in the West are the first sufferers of cultural, social, racial and political oppression. If the Left wants to maintain ideological and ethical relevance it must join forces with these ethnic groups. It is also possible that the Western Left has already missed the train; this would mean that it belongs to history. MC: I really cannot agree with some of what you say here. The Left is generally very aware of the need to respect cultural differences in Islam and has done more than any political grouping on either the centre or right to forge links and to challenge the discrimination suffered by migrant groups. As with Christianity, Judaism and other religions Islam has its faults. GA: If this is the case, how do you explain the fact that the Left was so slow to accept Hamas? How many leftists support the Iraqi resistance? And what about the Taliban? Do you support any of those? I cannot agree with your statement about Islam and other religions.. You are here employing a typical liberal supremacist approach. You set yourself in an imaginary elitist position above and beyond your subject of criticism. If you want to criticize a body of thought you can only do it by means of deconstruction, by tracing inconsistency within. In order to do it you must first achieve a reasonable familiarity. This is by the way, what I try to do with Zionism and Jewish identity. I am obviously familiar enough to deconstruct different form of Jewish discourses. I am less familiar with the Judaic discourse and leave it out. MC: There is nothing supremacist in the question – I explicitly say that all religions have their faults – but let me be clearer: women and homosexuals have been oppressed by most if not all religions to a greater or lesser extent. To criticize Islam for the same oppression in no way implies either that the problem is unique to it or that matters are perfect elsewhere. GA: Miriam you are implying here that while Christianity and Jewish identity ‘moved on’, Islam was ‘left behind’. To be honest with you, I must admit that the dichotomy between the ‘Progressive’ and the ‘Reactionary’ is another symptom of Judaic binary opposition within the left discourse. Progressiveness is just another word for Choseness.
MC: Oppression is oppression the same as occupation is occupation. GA: I obviously do not agree. Oppression is very complicated to define. Occupation, on the other hand, can be defined in positive terms such as territorial and legal. MC: There is still much oppression of women and of homosexuals which cannot be explained away as mere cultural difference. Criticisng these things should not be a cultural taboo any more than criticising Zionism should be an anti-Semitic taboo. GA: Sorry, I do not agree with you at all. There is a clear differentiation between the liberal Western discourse that celebrates individualism and the Eastern tribal discourse that values family, the community and culture. You tend to believe that you uphold some higher ethical system that allows you to pass judgment on other cultural assets that are foreign to you. You are obviously not alone. This is the nature of popular culture within the post Enlightenment discourse. I would argue instead that true tolerance is the capacity to accept even when you fail to understand. I myself obviously treat women and gays with total respect and fight for their equality within my environment. However, rather than criticising certain Islamic cultures I try to grasp its political and religious attitude towards different groups. I suggest everyone who claims to care about solidarity should do the same. But before we move on, please let me address your last point. As long as you argue that ‘X attitude towards Y is oppressive from a liberal perspective’, you may be correct, your argument could be valid and consistent. However, once you claim that ‘X attitude towards Y is oppressive categorically’ you produce an argument that is no different from a Neocon or moral interventionist. You basically claim to be better and more ethical than X. These Issues are not simple. I can provide a solution but I guess that I have managed to formulate the complexity.
MC: How then is this different to your intolerance for what Zionists too would argue is their culture and belief in choseness and all that that has led to? GA: This is very simple indeed. Zionist crimes are committed on the expense of others.
MC: You say you are a humanist. There is no humanist argument to justify the mutilation of girls’ genitalia and the lifelong misery that it causes to women. GA: How do you know? Can’t you see that in order to make such a statement valid you have to set yourself beyond and above the human discourse? However, I obviously understand your point of view from a Western perspective. I am very suspicious of any call for moral interventionism. And just let me correct you. I do not carry the humanist flag. I am looking for the notion of humanism. As far as I can tell it is a dynamic notion. Like ethics it must be reshaped and revised all the time. MC: I realise that not all Muslims endorse FGM. But these things are as sick as each other. Again, there are comparable evils in most if not all religions, societies and cultures – this is not to single Islam out. GA: I am happy that you mentioned it because as far as I am aware, and I am not exactly an expert on the subject, FGM is not at all prescribed by Islam. However, just to mention that I do not remember coming across Left or Liberal criticism of similar Jewish ancient blood ritual that involves blood sucking and chopping of male infant sexual organ (Brit Mila). As it happens Jewish parents, both secular religious let a Rabbi circumcise and suck the blood of their sons when they are just 8 days old. How do you explain the fact that such a barbarian ritual takes place in our midst? Why doesn’t it provoke outrage? Why you yourself do not protest against it? MC: It is not possible for a genuine humanist to look the other way wherever inhumanity is occurring, whoever is responsible for it. You are applying a double standard in this, I think. You defend FGM on cultural grounds but describe a comparable Jewish ritual as barbaric. To move on to the next question, however.
That Muslims – or anyone anywhere - should be free to fight for freedom from violent invasion and occupation is axiomatic for most people, though not for pacifists of course. Invoking God for the purpose has never been anything other than a disaster, has it? GA: Really? Here is where you tend to express your intolerance towards others belief. The greatest symphonies and architecture were actually created in the context of a dialogue with God. Islamic resistance that defeats Israel and Western imperialism whether it is in Iraq, Afghanistan, Gaza or South Lebanon is inspired by Allah. Why are you so disrespectful to God? In fact, I believe that you are failing to detect the importance of Islam within the context of Arabic and international resistance. It is peculiar but tragically rather common amongst leftists. As I said earlier on, this explains why left lost its relevance. MC: There are a lot of unfounded assumptions in what you say but we will have to leave it there. This has been an interesting debate. We will have to agree to differ on a number of things. Thank you for the conversation. GA: I too enjoyed it enormously and I really hope that the difference between us will lead to a further debate and many more realizations
Atzmon fiercely resists the charge of anti-Semitism and insists that he is concerned with a proper and thorough examination of the ideology of what it is to be Jewish – in particular about how the notion of the Jews as ‘a chosen people’ has led, as he sees it, inexorably to the rise of Zionism and its present disproportionate influence on world affairs. Atzmon also takes issue with the Western Left which he believes has failed either to recognize the true extent of Zionist influence (he singles Noam Chomsky out for criticism) and of not understanding how western Marxist/socialist ideologies are incompatible with Islamic societies and therefore can be of no use to them. These and other issues are discussed with him below. There are many things in what Atzmon says below that beg further question and comment but hopefully the exchange has served to illustrate his interpretation of the Palestinian situation and to provide an insight on a less frequently aired or understood perspective. (GA - Gilad Atzmon, MC - Miriam Cotton, MediaBite) MC: Following the murder and kidnap of unarmed aid activists in international waters by Israel, General Petraeus has said the situation [in Gaza] is no longer sustainable. Though he was in no sense condemning what Israel had done, do you think there may be a beginning of an end to unconditional US support for Israel? GA: It is actually the other way around. It is Israel that ditches America. Israeli leadership realises that with America in the background the Jewish state won't be able to pursue its next two lethal plans: Nakaba 2 and dismantling Iranian nuclear capacity. Israel realises that if it wants to maintain its Jews only state as a regional power, it must ethnically cleanse the rest of the Palestinians. Israel is also convinced that its only chance of surviving in the region is if it maintains a nuclear hegemony. The USA makes things difficult for the Jewish State at the moment; it tries to slow Israel down. I believe that it is Israel that is leading the conflict rather than being subject to it. MC: But surely that assessment overlooks some important factors. Nobody can seriously doubt that the US obsession with the region is entirely to do with oil, gas and geo-strategic matters such as Russian and Chinese proximity to these resources, in particular. GA: This is a good way to put it. However you may also wonder what American interests are, who defines these interests and who shapes them. As it happens, AIPAC (American Israeli Public Affairs Committee) has been pretty effective in shaping American interests; we also know that the Wolfowitz doctrine made it into Bush’s doctrine. For the last three decades Americans failed to see the clear discrepancy between cheap oil and alliance with Israel. They might start to understand it now. MC: But the Bush family was/is an oil dynasty too - with ties to as many if not more Arabic vested interests as to the Israelis - there are many more non-AIPAC, US vested interests like these than are in AIPAC. Everything the US has done there since the beginning of its so-called 'war on terror' - and long beforehand - has been aimed at securing the Middle East and about energy and other resources. GA: This is all true. It is also true that AIPAC won’t necessarily interfere with unrelated political matters unless it involves Zionist, Israeli or Jewish interests. However, the Jewish lobby in America and in the UK has managed to shape the English speaking Empire’s vision of its needs and interests. From an American perspective, instead of admitting that American soldiers were actually sent to fight war for Israel, they were told instead that they were sent to die in the name of moral interventionism and democracy. They were actually told that they were ‘liberating the Iraqi people’. How wonderful! The oil and Israeli interests were presented as side issues. As we know, oil prices didn’t drop after 2003. And yet, Sadam Hussein, the bitterest enemy of Israel was removed. In the long run this plan didn’t work for Israel either. Iran had become the unchallenged Muslim leading power. Inshalah it also becomes a nuclear super power soon. This would obviously deter the Israelis from accomplishing its endless imperial aspirations. MC: There is no other country in the Middle East in which the US and its allies could position the vast military threat that Israel has been made into if they are to achieve their ambitions for the region. The realisation of Zionist ambitions for Israel was and still is a secondary consideration for the US, despite the relatively powerful Israeli lobby. GA: I am not so sure at all. I actually think that the Zionist Lobby has managed to destroy the American empire. I argue that the Credit Crunch is in fact a Zio-Punch. I argue that Greenspan created an economy boom to divert attention from Wolfowitz’ wars. The Zionists in fact have managed to bring down every super power they cling to. Britain, France and now America. You have to allow yourself to admit that the ‘War on Terror’ was actually a Zionist led war against Islam, a battle that was there to serve Israeli interests. MC: Israel has been funded and encouraged to develop a nuclear arsenal of several hundred warheads, while the Iranians who do not even have one, but who control a lot of oil, are deemed to be a threat to world peace. Frankly, in these circumstances the Iranians and others would be justified in thinking they need some means of defending themselves against the only real threat at present- and against those who are in fact being the most provocative as well as doing the vast majority of the killing: US-Israel. GA: This is indeed a very valid point. From an Iranian perspective, nuclear military capacity is a defensive means. The Iranians are constantly under a nuclear threat and so are the rest of the countries in the region and beyond. MC: Britain and America don't fight any wars that they don't want to fight - not even justifiable wars, unless there is a percentage in it for them. GA: Are you sure about this, or is that something we all prefer to believe? As it happens both in Britain and America the political parties are funded heavily by Jewish pro Israeli lobbies. Haim Saban, the multi-billionaire Israeli fund raiser for the American Democratic Party said last year that the best way to influence America is through political funding, the media and think tanks. There you go. Even the vision of ‘American interests’ can be no more than false interests when they have been manipulated into an alignment with what are really Israeli interests. At the end of the day, it is far cheaper to buy a western politician than buying a tank. It is far cheaper to recruit a ‘new friend of Israel’ than flying an F15 for one hour. MC: Israel is essentially a creation of the British and other European powers - and the oil was firmly at the front of their minds even way back then. GA: This is another myth that people like Chomsky want us to believe in. In fact the Balfour Declaration was there to pull America into the war. It was there to push Jewish German and Russian bankers to change their allegiance from Germany to Britain so they could fund the new American war. Amos Alon presents an embarrassing chapter in Jewish history in his monumental book The Pity of It All. In fact it worked for the British. Two months after the Declaration, America was in the war. This wasn’t about oil. It was another war funded by a Jewish political lobby. MC: As with many other violent regimes that the US has propped up, the US doesn't care one jot what Israel gets up to with its own people so long as the commercial plan is proceeding towards its goal. The ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians is just one of the incidental costs that has to be paid to keep the US's bulldog in the region onside. Official US and UK statements after the attack on the aid flotilla were deplorable, with Obama for example declaring the deaths merely 'regrettable'. This was a clear signal to Turkey: do that again and this is what we will give you. Get in line. GA: America is talking in many voices at the moment. It is confused or may even be lost in terms of foreign policy. Partially because there is a conflict between the American interests and the lobbies that gave the democrats the keys to the white house, namely AIPAC. MC: US-Israel can no longer get away so easily as it once did with propagandising the Palestinians’ cause as a nation consisting entirely of terrorists nor cover up the increasingly blatant horrors that are being visited on them. What General Petraeus was signaling, it seems, is that a new strategy is needed - one that is less horrifying to world opinion so that they can all get on with business without attracting so much negative attention to the details. GA: I think that General Petraeus together with his military advisers are realising that America is about to lose its grip in the Arab and Muslim world. At the end of the day, if I need your oil, I had better make friends with you rather than being caught in bed with your biggest enemy. MC: They obviously didn’t feel that way about Iraq. They have secured what they wanted there so far and next up is Iran. At the same time, it's clear that the US has created a monster, Israel, in the Middle East that will prove much more difficult to rein in than was wanted or even envisaged in some respects. GA: I agree with most of what you say. However, contemporary liberal democracy decisions are made by elected politicians that are bought by different kinds of ‘friends of Israel’. In America it is AIPAC and major Jewish fund-raisers such as Haim Saban whom I mentioned before, in Britain we had Lord ‘cash machine’ Levy and now the CFI (Conservative Friends of Israel). These pressure groups and individuals are there to suppress ethical reaction within the political system and beyond. However, following the last massacres in Gaza and on the Mavi Marmara, we saw a tidal wave of mass resentment towards Israel and its supportive Jewish lobbies. This is something that could lead eventually towards a cosmic shift also within politics. MC: A different question - in the Irish version of the Sunday Times on the 6th of June there was an extraordinary article by one of Ireland's foremost journalists, Matt Cooper, which was headlined 'Israel presents a test of diplomatic skills', I kid you not. Cooper begins the piece by acknowledging the atrocity committed by Israel on the Mavi Marmara but subsequently works his way around to recommending what he calls a 'nuanced' way forward that is devoid of morality or of even basic humanity. The murders and all the previous Israeli slaughters that he has just condemned are benched - presumably in the interest of what he calls 'balanced' opinion later on in the same piece. 'Diplomacy' and Ireland’s ‘economic interests’ are invoked so as to finesse the horrific truths of what is really happening to the Palestinians out of the equation or at least into the margins. We are invited to understand the feelings of successive Israeli governments and by implication to compromise with their murderous intransigence after all. He rehearses the same jaded myth that Israel is surrounded by hostility, while ignoring the terror that it has since its incarnation routinely threatened and inflicted on its neighbours and on the Palestinians with all the might of the US military at its disposal - and says nothing at all of the huge cache of nuclear weapons which it has threatened to use against Iran, which has no nuclear weapons. GA: It is indeed very interesting. Today we learned that Israel insists to probe its own crime. This is maybe the latest phase in Israeli manifested lunacy, arrogance or ignorance. The murderer tells the authorities, it is ok I can look into my own acts, leave it with me. ‘My parents and my cousin can review my acts.’ This is indeed a way to challenge world diplomacy. Will Israel get away with it this time? I hope not. But if it does, it is there to prove to us all again that kosher lobbies are corrupting our ethical perspectives. Considering the fatal danger of a total war invoked by Israel, our leaders do not have much time at their disposal. Israel is the ultimate danger to world peace. It must be confronted with the ultimate measures now. MC: I don't agree that any sort of preemptive physical attack on Israel would be justified, if that is what you are referring to. GA: I obviously do not refer to violence here but to some extreme measures of economic embargo, sanctions and cultural boycotts. MC: To get back to the media, I'm asking what you think about the role the mainstream media has played in promoting the Israeli perspective. Senior journalists throughout the West especially, mostly talk in a register of language and from within a frame of reference that is essentially back to front on this and many other issues: the victims of outrageous Israeli aggression and illegality are described as terrorists for resisting while the most outrageous pronouncements and behaviours are 'nuanced' into an Orwellian inversion of meaning and truth – Matt Cooper-style. Unprovoked aggression is redefined as defensive action to protect ‘economic interests’ above all. GA: As I mentioned before, Haim Saban states that influence is achieved through ‘political funding, media and think tanks’. You are concerned with media and ideology here. There is no doubt that in the English speaking empire we are facing a battle against a foreign ideology that was very successful in defining our needs, desires and notion of justice. It was also very successful in setting our notion of fear and terror. The neo-cons that were spreading the deceitful ideology of ‘moral interventionism’ via politics and media were largely Zionists with leftist roots. It is actually this ideology that signifies the horrifying shift of Zionism from the limited discourse of ‘promised land’ into global politics - namely ‘promised planet’. You may want to ask yourself why their ideology was successful for a while, why did we let these people drag us into an illegal war and make us complicit in the murder of more than one million Iraqis. You may want to ask yourself how did the Wolfowitz Doctrine make it into American policy? I guess that ‘moral interventionism’ and ‘war against terror’ look nice on paper. It means that ‘we’ are kosher and the ‘other’ is evil. It took the West and humanity some time to realise that, in fact, we were serving an evil ideology and Zionist interests. It may also take us some time to realise that it is us who have become the darkest force around. MC: Would you agree, that the complicit mainstream media narrative – which, as Chomsky has so clearly identified always runs in tandem with powerful economic perspectives - has been more powerful on Israel's behalf than ten AIPACs could ever have been? GA: Not at all because as Saban makes it plainly clear, there is a continuum between the fund raiser, the think tank and the media. In terms of British politics there is an obvious ideological continuum between the Political Friend of Israel (Lord cash machine Levy) the advocates for the war within the media (Aaronovitch, Cohen) and the British neo-con think tank (Euston Manifesto). MC: One of the major reasons the mainstream orthodoxy is being challenged now is because of the advent of the far more democratic, alternative media? GA: I don’t think so. It is challenged because there is a growing fatigue for Zionist politics, a growing realisation that tribal politics left a deadly stain on British and American foreign affairs. Also, following the second Lebanon war, the Gaza massacre and the latest assault on the Mavi Marmara, there is a greater realisation that Israel is a murderous state driven by morbid enthusiasm. But there is another reason that must be stated. For very many years, the Left blocked any attempt of elaboration on global Zionism and Jewish power. As it happens, aside from the recent weakening of the Zionist cause, the Left lost power within the solidarity discourse. To a certain extent the two political phenomena are linked. As we know, The Left has unfortunately failed to garner the emerging power of Islam and its immense power within the discourse of liberation. As a result, the Left has been left behind. It is pretty much irrelevant to the discourse. For the Left to bounce back it must learn to think ethically and make a political bond with Islamic movements and migrant communities in the West. MC: There are a number of things in what you are saying that I would challenge. Firstly, and ironically, somewhat like the Zionists themselves, you place them front and centre of everything that is happening. To disregard the motives and influence of the many other non-Zionist groups who are equally involved with them is similar to the disregard the Zionists show for others. GA: There is actually again a continuum that you fail to detect between the sense of chosensess that is inherent to Zionism and any other Jewish political discourse and the Zionist political practice which is relentlessly exercised around the world. Zionists do not try to control everything, I guess that they do not care much about tobacco for the time being (this is probably why we cannot smoke freely anymore) but they do care about Western foreign affairs and would use any possible means to shape them. Look at the pressure Zionist groups mount on the American administration with regard to Turkey, Iran, sanctions, attacking the Mavi Marmara and so on. MC: Not to defend what the US/UK/EU are doing, but to define their role as you do is almost to infantilise them - it is seriously to underestimate how powerful, dangerous and manipulative they are in their own right. GA: To be honest, they are not as clever as people seem to think. MC: Nobody sensible thinks they are being clever about any of this, but that they are capable of uncontrolled greed backed up with equally uncontrolled violence. GA: Actually Israeli violence is far from being ‘uncontrolled’. It is deadly and premeditated. This is the true notion of Israel’s power of deterrence. Back to your question. In fact they do it all in the open. David Miliband, who is also listed as an Israeli propaganda author, was acting against British universal jurisdiction just to allow Israeli war criminals to visit the UK. How do you explain it? Was it very clever of him? Was it very clever of David Aaronovitch and Nick Cohen to advocate an illegal war while being also Jewish Chronicle (a UK Zionist outlet) writers? Was it a clever move to support a war that led to 1.5 million dead Iraqis? Is it very clever of Haim Saban to tell the American people ‘we the Jews influence your life through political funding, media, and think tanks’? The answer is no, it is not clever at all. It is an infantile arrogance that is inherent to the chauvinist identity. The success of the Zionist agenda so far has a lot to do with the fact that they operate within tolerant discourses and people like yourself and Chomsky would go out of your way to defend them with foggy ideology. Unfortunately, this ideology doesn’t hold water anymore. As you may know Chomsky is totally discredited. His lame argument against Walt and Mearsheimer, which is similar to yours, puts a big question mark over his entire life time project. This may be a shame but the good news is that the resentment towards Zionism, Israel and relentless Jewish lobbying is becoming a mass phenomenon. It exceeds the political discourse. It is a spirit, it is public and it is refreshing. This may be good news because we always wanted to be there, the only concern is that no one really controls it anymore. MC: Where have these questions implied a defense of Zionists or Zionism? Merely to say that they are not alone in this or that they do not control what is happening in the Middle East on their own is in no way a defense either of their ideology or of their actions. GA: To start with it is not a personal debate but and ideological one. However, I guess that failing to confront extensive Jewish lobbying is to provide Zionism with a body shield. You are talking about other American interests. What is so unique about AIPAC, David Miliband and CFI is the fact that right out in the open they promote the interests of a foreign government. Would a Muslim lobby get away with it? Could Iran or Pakistan get away with it? Would Chomsky rush to defend them as well? I really wonder. MC: Chomsky has been a forthright critic of Israel's - was only recently prevented by the Israeli government from attending an engagement. He has made some puzzling statements but again, I think you ignore overwhelming evidence that contradicts what you say about him. GA: I have a lot of respect for what Chomsky did along the years. However, as American activist Jeff Blankfort pointed out recently, Chomsky has been dismissing the power of the pro-Israel lobby. He opposed the BDS movement and made some efforts to “dissuade people from using the term ‘apartheid’ to describe Israel's control over Palestinian society”. Chomsky also opposes the Palestinian right of return and a one-state solution. Chomsky is in fact a liberal Zionist as well as a kibbutz enthusiast. This is enough to explain why his voice has been pushed to the margin within the Palestinian solidarity discourse. Considering his contribution on other fields of thought, it is a shame indeed. MC: There is a lot that could and should be said in response to that but this discussion is not about Chomsky. AIPAC may be feted in Washington and London for now but it will go the way of all those who collaborate with the US in due course. As has been noted many times, US foreign policy makers think nothing of caricaturing former friends as villains when they stop being useful. The Israel-as-lone-defender-of-democracy-in- the-Middle-East myth has been forcefully sold for a long time, it's true, but seldom if ever have the economic and strategic spoils of war been so great. GA: Why was it useful? Is it because it is true? Not really. Israel has never been a democracy - it is a racially exclusive society that managed to set up a ‘Jews only democracy’. Americans are clever enough to understand it. They went through a civil rights struggle not that long ago and in fact they still do. The deceitful image of Jewish democracy was there to create a phantasmic continuum between the USA and the Jewish State. It is obviously far more complicated to explain to the masses how exactly supporting a hawkish Jewish state in a sea of oil would make oil cheaper. MC: Isn’t your fundamental mistake in this respect that you are confusing or ignoring much of the quite independent and equally violent avarice of the other vested interests with the extent of AIPAC’s influence, which everyone knows is undoubtedly strong. GA: With due respect and without claiming to be free of errors, I do not think that you are pointing to any mistake in my reading of the situation. If anything, all I can see is you being reluctant to admit that we had been pulled by an extensive institutional and very dangerous lobby for more than a while. In fact, I know that you and others are holding this position because you want to believe that you are true humanists. I respect it. Indeed one of the most crucial questions we have to confront here is how to say what we think about Israel and its Jewish lobbies and still be humanists. I believe that the answer is to admit that we are confronted with an ideology that dismisses our notion of humanism, kindness and compassion. To a certain degree we are confronted here with a deep challenge: ‘how shall we perform kindness to the unkind.’ This is why it is so important for me to maintain that the massacre on the Mavi Marmara was no less than killing Christ again. Regardless of the historicity of Jesus and regardless of the fact that there is NO continuum between the ancient Israelites and the contemporary Israelis, we see here a broad daylight assault on goodness and kindness. This deadly attempt was supported by the Israeli people, it was committed by their popular army and it is still supported by world Jewry except some sporadic Jews such as the Torah Jews who oppose it and obviously are highly respected for it. How do we confront it? Call for what it is. This must be our approach because as far as I can see, the Israelis and their lobbyists interpret your silence or reluctance to use the right language as weakness. If we want to help Israelis we may as well make it clear to them that we actually see through them. MC: It is important to understand Zionist ideology and to challenge and expose what is inhumane in it. Mainstream western media has been criminally complicit in its refusal to do that. But if the Zionists never existed, the US and its EU allies would be in the Middle East right now, or at some other time, doing exactly what they are doing - as they have done for centuries in many other parts of the world that the Zionists had nothing to do with. Also there are many Jewish people in Israel who have been courageously protesting the treatment of the Palestinians by their own government for a long time and who were very vocal after the Mavi Marmara. GA: “Many” is just slightly over the top. A Palestinian spokeswomen in London was asked in the late 1990’s what she thought of all those ‘good Jews’, those who support the Palestinians. Her answer was shockingly simple yet revealing. She said, “I admire all these beautiful and kind people, all fifteen of them”. In fact I follow their discourse and I cannot count more than eight of them. I am far from being impressed by the ‘Jews for this’ and ‘Jews for that’. I regard it as a Zionist fig leaf operation. Especially when it comes from Marxist Jews. If they are indeed Marxist, why don’t they just join the working class and fight Zionism along side the rest of us? I will now go back to your question. What would have happened if Israel didn’t exist? Since we are dealing here with a hypothetical assumption you may have to agree that USA/UK/EU could have also used very different tactics. Britain and America in the past used diplomacy also. If you read the history of Zionism, from the very beginning Herzl was capitalizing on super- power interests in the region. This is even before oil was an issue. So you can equally argue that the way things evolved was inevitable due to the nature of Zionist political philosophy of bonding with influential powers. Israel Shahak would argue that this is the heritage of the Talmud. I argue that this is the exact meaning of the Biblical Story of Esther. In my paper From Purim to AIPAC I explore the continuum between the Bible and contemporary Jewish political lobbying. MC: At the crudest level of all, Israel may have 500 nukes courtesy of the US, but the US arsenal and its overall military capability is many multiples of Israel’s. No contest. GA: This is pretty irrelevant, I am afraid. America is or at least was a super power. It was engaged in a cold war. This may explain rather than justify why it has so many bombs. However Israel engaged in a territorial battle with its so called ‘enemies’. One must wonder why it needs atomic bombs at all. If Israel cares about Sderot and Ashkelon as much as it says, it would never nuke Gaza. The answer is pretty devastating. Israel possesses all those bombs because it insists on keeping the rest of the world in a constant threat. In case anyone fails to see it, the rest of the world is what we call humanity. And this is the crux of the matter. We are dealing here with a lethal collective that is driven by deadly psychosis against humanity and humanism. MC: The Zionists have no monopoly on deadly psychosis towards other groups of people. The native American Indians have told the world a thing or two about the centuries-long psychosis of the Christian settlers there - the misery that led to mass suicides among many other horrors. It's surely fundamentally anti humanist – racist/discriminatory even - to single any one group of people out as being uniquely evil? GA: To start with we both agree that the Zionists didn’t invent evil. In fact Zionism is an attempt to exercise some colonial barbarism in a world that has moved on from that kind of political philosophy. In short Zionists are guilty of committing colonial crimes 100 years too late. However, you make one crucial mistake here. You say “It's surely fundamentally anti humanist to single any one group of people out as being uniquely evil.” You maybe right, but Zionism is not at all a group of people, it is actually an ideology. In fact it is a racist, anti humanist ideology that must be confronted. Similarly, those who follow this ideology are succumbing to an inhuman philosophy and must be exposed, named and shamed. As you will notice in my writing, I never criticize Jews as Jews or Judaism as a religion. I concentrate on Jewish ideology, namely Jewishness that has a very particular supremacist interpretation of the Judaic core. In my writing I have managed to trace Jewishness in every modern Jewish political setting whether it is right wing Zionism, the pseudo- socialist Bund or the radical Matzpen. However, I must mention that Torah Jews are free of that fault. They draw their inspiration from the Torah and present a very unique form of tribal humanism. MC: You say the left has failed to embrace the 'emerging power of Islam'. Left wing groups within Islam itself do not seem to be meeting with a good reception by and large. GA: I don’t understand what you mean by Left groups within Islam. Islam is in itself a philosophy that promotes equality; it doesn’t need Left ideology and cannot integrate such an atheist precept. I guess that what you are referring to is Left groups within the Arab or Muslim world. Indeed, the entire left philosophy is Euro-centric and related to the industrial revolution. These ideas are completely irrelevant to the Near East and its understanding of struggle for liberation. MC: Outside of Islam, the left can only offer solidarity and encouragement. GA: I guess that what you are taking about is producing badges, scarves and caps with Palestinian flags. This is indeed nice. I always quote Lacan in that reference. Lacan says that making love is in practice making love to yourself through the other. In that sense, the Left’s notion of solidarity is in practice ‘making love to yourself at the expense of the oppressed’. I am not impressed with this concept at all. MC: That may be true of certain types of activism but it is unfair to caricature much Left solidarity with the Palestinians like that. The Freedom Flotilla was about a lot more than producing badges and scarves. There are many journalists and activists who have made serious and effective efforts to support the Palestinians from within the left – some who have even given their lives to keeping up vital communication. And besides, the badges and scarves have served a purpose too by making sure we are not allowed to forget. GA: As it happens I was in Athens and in Nicosia when the Flotilla left. I was working closely with the Freedom Mission, I gave talks and interviews. I was also in touch with activists in Istanbul. I can tell you that the Freedom Mission to Gaza is indeed a very refreshing move within the solidarity movement. The so-called Leftists within this movement certainly are not frightened by Islam or Hamas. They certainly respect the Palestinian democratic choice. I admire them for that and wish I could have been with them on board. MC: To return to the Left and Islam, however justified Iran may be to perceive Israel as the real Middle Eastern threat; trade unionists are having a pretty hard time in Iran right now, for example. What is it that you think the left can or should be doing? GA: To start with I do not talk about the Left in Iran, Iraq or Palestine. I am talking about the Left here, in Europe. The first thing to do is to accept the notion of otherness. For instance: to stand up for Hamas as a democratically elected body; to stand up for Hezbullah which presents Israel with fierce resistance; to support an Iranian nuclear project as a necessary defensive means; to support the Muslim right to love their Allah and to fight for freedom in his name. These things are rather basic and elementary. The left must also realise that Muslim migrant communities in the West are the first sufferers of cultural, social, racial and political oppression. If the Left wants to maintain ideological and ethical relevance it must join forces with these ethnic groups. It is also possible that the Western Left has already missed the train; this would mean that it belongs to history. MC: I really cannot agree with some of what you say here. The Left is generally very aware of the need to respect cultural differences in Islam and has done more than any political grouping on either the centre or right to forge links and to challenge the discrimination suffered by migrant groups. As with Christianity, Judaism and other religions Islam has its faults. GA: If this is the case, how do you explain the fact that the Left was so slow to accept Hamas? How many leftists support the Iraqi resistance? And what about the Taliban? Do you support any of those? I cannot agree with your statement about Islam and other religions.. You are here employing a typical liberal supremacist approach. You set yourself in an imaginary elitist position above and beyond your subject of criticism. If you want to criticize a body of thought you can only do it by means of deconstruction, by tracing inconsistency within. In order to do it you must first achieve a reasonable familiarity. This is by the way, what I try to do with Zionism and Jewish identity. I am obviously familiar enough to deconstruct different form of Jewish discourses. I am less familiar with the Judaic discourse and leave it out. MC: There is nothing supremacist in the question – I explicitly say that all religions have their faults – but let me be clearer: women and homosexuals have been oppressed by most if not all religions to a greater or lesser extent. To criticize Islam for the same oppression in no way implies either that the problem is unique to it or that matters are perfect elsewhere. GA: Miriam you are implying here that while Christianity and Jewish identity ‘moved on’, Islam was ‘left behind’. To be honest with you, I must admit that the dichotomy between the ‘Progressive’ and the ‘Reactionary’ is another symptom of Judaic binary opposition within the left discourse. Progressiveness is just another word for Choseness.
MC: Oppression is oppression the same as occupation is occupation. GA: I obviously do not agree. Oppression is very complicated to define. Occupation, on the other hand, can be defined in positive terms such as territorial and legal. MC: There is still much oppression of women and of homosexuals which cannot be explained away as mere cultural difference. Criticisng these things should not be a cultural taboo any more than criticising Zionism should be an anti-Semitic taboo. GA: Sorry, I do not agree with you at all. There is a clear differentiation between the liberal Western discourse that celebrates individualism and the Eastern tribal discourse that values family, the community and culture. You tend to believe that you uphold some higher ethical system that allows you to pass judgment on other cultural assets that are foreign to you. You are obviously not alone. This is the nature of popular culture within the post Enlightenment discourse. I would argue instead that true tolerance is the capacity to accept even when you fail to understand. I myself obviously treat women and gays with total respect and fight for their equality within my environment. However, rather than criticising certain Islamic cultures I try to grasp its political and religious attitude towards different groups. I suggest everyone who claims to care about solidarity should do the same. But before we move on, please let me address your last point. As long as you argue that ‘X attitude towards Y is oppressive from a liberal perspective’, you may be correct, your argument could be valid and consistent. However, once you claim that ‘X attitude towards Y is oppressive categorically’ you produce an argument that is no different from a Neocon or moral interventionist. You basically claim to be better and more ethical than X. These Issues are not simple. I can provide a solution but I guess that I have managed to formulate the complexity.
MC: How then is this different to your intolerance for what Zionists too would argue is their culture and belief in choseness and all that that has led to? GA: This is very simple indeed. Zionist crimes are committed on the expense of others.
MC: You say you are a humanist. There is no humanist argument to justify the mutilation of girls’ genitalia and the lifelong misery that it causes to women. GA: How do you know? Can’t you see that in order to make such a statement valid you have to set yourself beyond and above the human discourse? However, I obviously understand your point of view from a Western perspective. I am very suspicious of any call for moral interventionism. And just let me correct you. I do not carry the humanist flag. I am looking for the notion of humanism. As far as I can tell it is a dynamic notion. Like ethics it must be reshaped and revised all the time. MC: I realise that not all Muslims endorse FGM. But these things are as sick as each other. Again, there are comparable evils in most if not all religions, societies and cultures – this is not to single Islam out. GA: I am happy that you mentioned it because as far as I am aware, and I am not exactly an expert on the subject, FGM is not at all prescribed by Islam. However, just to mention that I do not remember coming across Left or Liberal criticism of similar Jewish ancient blood ritual that involves blood sucking and chopping of male infant sexual organ (Brit Mila). As it happens Jewish parents, both secular religious let a Rabbi circumcise and suck the blood of their sons when they are just 8 days old. How do you explain the fact that such a barbarian ritual takes place in our midst? Why doesn’t it provoke outrage? Why you yourself do not protest against it? MC: It is not possible for a genuine humanist to look the other way wherever inhumanity is occurring, whoever is responsible for it. You are applying a double standard in this, I think. You defend FGM on cultural grounds but describe a comparable Jewish ritual as barbaric. To move on to the next question, however.
That Muslims – or anyone anywhere - should be free to fight for freedom from violent invasion and occupation is axiomatic for most people, though not for pacifists of course. Invoking God for the purpose has never been anything other than a disaster, has it? GA: Really? Here is where you tend to express your intolerance towards others belief. The greatest symphonies and architecture were actually created in the context of a dialogue with God. Islamic resistance that defeats Israel and Western imperialism whether it is in Iraq, Afghanistan, Gaza or South Lebanon is inspired by Allah. Why are you so disrespectful to God? In fact, I believe that you are failing to detect the importance of Islam within the context of Arabic and international resistance. It is peculiar but tragically rather common amongst leftists. As I said earlier on, this explains why left lost its relevance. MC: There are a lot of unfounded assumptions in what you say but we will have to leave it there. This has been an interesting debate. We will have to agree to differ on a number of things. Thank you for the conversation. GA: I too enjoyed it enormously and I really hope that the difference between us will lead to a further debate and many more realizations
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